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the rise in gender based violence essay

Mini review article.

Gender-based violence during covid-19 pandemic: a mini-review.

• 1 Amity Institute of Behavioural and Allied Sciences, Amity University, Lucknow, India
• 2 Department of Psychology, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi, India

Purpose: Quarantine is necessary to reduce the community spread of the Coronavirus disease, but it also has serious psychological and socially disruptive consequences. This is known as the quarantine paradox that also includes a surge in the cases of gender-based violence. However, there exists a clear gap of rigorous literature exploring the issue. Hence, the current paper attempts to understand gender-based violence as an aspect of the COVID-19 lockdown. It reviews the pattern of rise in gender violence cases and the resultant psychological and social issues and attempts to create awareness by initiating a discourse urging for change in the response towards the victims of gender-based violence. The paper further attempts to suggest measures to mitigate the issues arising out of gender violence during quarantine.

Method: The current paper reviews the literature on the rise of gender-based violence in the times of current and past pandemics. The paper also reviews the published reports in scientific as well as mass media literatures focusing on the rise of gender-based violence during the imposed lockdown, its consequences, and the measures taken by the governments to tackle the issue.

Results: The present review reveals that similar to the previous pandemics and epidemics, there has been an alarming rise in the incidents of gender-based violence during the COVID-19 pandemic. The present review further reveals various other risk factors that have been found attributive to the surge of gender-based violence such as economic insecurity and alcohol consumption. The results of the review indicate that despite its global prevalence, gender-based violence has been one of the most neglected outcomes of pandemics. Moreover, the legislatures and services available for such victims are often inadequate and, thus, worsening their situation.

Conclusion: Pandemic situations have been found to be associated with advancements in the medical field. However, a part and parcel of this situation is the age-old practice of quarantine that has several negative outcomes. This also includes a surge in gender-based violence that raises serious concerns about the safety of women. As the legislatures provided and measures taken by the governments are falling short in dealing with the issue, a number of non-government organizations are stepping up to provide necessary services to these victims.

Pandemic and Gender-Based Violence

Quarantine has been an effective measure of controlling infection since the 14th century. The medieval societies were able to establish a link between the emergence of symptoms and the duration of time. The origin of the term is rooted in the health practice related to plague back in 1377 AD when ships were isolated for 30 days and land travelers for 40 days in the sea port of Ragusa ( 1 ). However, the earliest record of quarantine can be traced back to 532 AD ( 2 ). Since then, the practice of quarantine has been utilized to reduce the spread of contagious diseases. With the declaration of COVID-19 as a global pandemic, there is a mounting pressure on the governments to take measures to reduce the community spread of the disease. Hence, in the absence of a vaccine or effective treatment, going into quarantine for varying periods of time is being adopted as an option by most countries. This has led to a drastic alteration in the day-to-day lifestyle of the individuals. Most of the work is being done from home, and efforts are being made to maintain social distance. These measures are crucial to the protection of healthcare systems. However, just like one coin has two sides, the positive efforts to tackle COVID-19 have negative consequences associated with them. These negative consequences include the risk of losing jobs, economic vulnerabilities, and psychological health issues resulting from isolation, loneliness, and uncertainty, among others. This can be regarded as the quarantine paradox. History has witnessed the weakening of the states in the face of pandemics and outbreaks. The Antonine plague of 161 AD had economically weakened the Roman Empire ( 3 ). The Byzantine empire too had suffered weakening of the economic infrastructure during the Justinian plague ( 4 ). Past researches indicate that the risk of serious psychological consequences increases with the increase in the duration of the quarantine ( 5 ). According to Hawryluck et al. ( 6 ) and Reynolds et al. ( 7 ), a longer duration of quarantine was found to be associated with increased symptoms of PTSD. Lee et al. ( 8 ) reported that the risk of developing PTSD symptoms persisted despite home quarantine. Another downside of quarantine is the increase in cases of gender-based violence that is frequently ignored ( 9 ). Gender-based violence is a form of violence targeting a person based on the gender of an individual. It is a complex phenomenon that includes combinations of sexual, physical, and emotional violence and neglect or deprivation ( 10 ). CEDAW (Committee on Elimination of Discrimination Against Women) has defined gender-based violence as a form of violence that disproportionately affects women. Some common forms of gender-based violence include sexual violence, violence against women, domestic violence, and harmful traditional practices, such as female genital mutilation. For the present paper, the term gender-based violence has been used to denote different aspects of domestic violence against women.

According to an article published in a national newspaper of India, The Hindu, the National Commission for Women (NCW) recorded a twofold rise in the cases of gender violence ( 11 ). Several researches indicate a rise in family violence and sexual violence during and after any large crisis or disaster [e.g., ( 12 , 13 )].

Relation Between Gender-Based Violence and Crisis Situations

Violence has generally been found to increase in the face of pandemics. For instance, Rose ( 14 ) reported an erosion of social norms and increase in violence in Bologna, Italy, in the context of plague and natural disaster. According to UNFPA ( 15 ), pandemics often lead to breakdowns of social infrastructures thus compounding the already existing weaknesses and conflicts. As a result, the existing gender inequality is worsened by the pandemic situations. It also increases the exposure of children and women to harassment and sexual violence when they try to procure necessities such as water, food, and firewood. Several researches report that gender-based violence is more prevalent in HIV hyper-endemic countries [e.g., ( 10 , 16 )]. Researchers have observed a link between the prevalence of HIV epidemic and gender-based violence in India as well ( 17 , 18 ). A report about rapid gender analysis on COVID-19 by CARE and International Rescue had expected gender-based violence to rise amid pandemic and quarantines. Hence, the report had also recommended to prepare and build on existing services for the victims of gender-based violence. The report further emphasized on the need to strengthen online services to provide psychological support and legal aid services ( 19 ). According to Menendez et al. ( 20 ), often women do not have rights over their sexual choices. Consequently, they experience sexual violence and the risk of exposure to the virus through the male carrier. Okur ( 21 ) emphasized that sexual and gender-based violence increases during crisis situations due to breakdown in law. Thus, the victims often do not receive the adequate support, and the perpetrators get exempted from punishment. Also, according to the WHO global ethics unit ( 22 ), gender roles affect all aspects of an endemic including interpersonal violence. It also emphasized the need of various services to minimize the risk of violence when people are quarantined at home or in institutions. Hence, the present research shall focus on the gender-based violence, because despite being a global phenomenon, it is highly underreported due to stigma and social pressures. Moreover, there is a lack of studies focusing on the prevalence of gender-based violence during disasters. Consequently, those responding to disasters are often not aware of the possibility of surge in the cases of gender-based violence. Therefore, they often do not prepare to deal with, thereby making the situation worse. In fact, according to John et al. ( 23 ), these are the lessons never learnt. Therefore, we have a limited understanding toward how the victims of gender-based violence respond to the situation of the current pandemic. Hence, the present research reviews the linkages between gender violence and pandemic and also attempts to identify the potential policy responses to moderate the issue.

In the past, crises have been linked with a surge in cases of gender violence ( 24 – 27 ). A surge in intimate partner violence was observed during other disasters such as Earthquake in Haiti in 2007, Hurricane Katrina in 2005, and Eruption of Mount Saint Helens in the 1980s due to unemployment, family, and other stressors ( 28 ). Even during the South Asian Tsunami of 2004, a surge in gender-based violence was observed. Fisher ( 29 ) emphasized that in the aftermath of Tsunami, several incidents of violence against women and sexual assault were reported in Sri Lanka. According to researchers, pandemics cannot be considered an exception to this ( 9 ). Sikira and Urassa ( 30 ) reported an increase in wife battering in the face of the HIV pandemic due to suspicion of extramarital affairs. Recent outbreaks such as Ebola, Cholera, Zika, and Nipah have also led to an increase in the cases of domestic violence ( 31 ). During the Ebola virus outbreak, women and girls were especially vulnerable to violence because of the inability to escape their abuser. Moreover, the victims of violence were not recognized and were often left unattended ( 32 ). According to Yasmin ( 33 ), cases of rape, violence against women, and sexual assault also increased during the Ebola outbreak in West Africa.

There are a number of reasons for such increase in gender violence cases. Arthur and Clark ( 34 ) also identified economic dependence as a cause for domestic violence. During quarantine, as more women were in informal jobs and got laid off, this led to them experiencing a greater impact as they became economically dependent on their male counterparts. According to Alon et al. ( 35 ), lesser women than men are in telecommutable jobs, thus making it difficult for them to adapt to the changing conditions. This increased economic dependence not only increases their risk of gender-based violence but also makes it difficult to leave their perpetrators. Pandemics like influenza, swine flu, and SARS have been found to result in psychological issues such as anxiety, substance abuse, PTSD, and sleep disturbances that often tend to continue even after the pandemic ( 36 , 37 ). According to a research by Zhang et al. ( 38 ), increased prevalence of depressive symptoms could be observed among COVID 19 patients. A significant rise in anxiety levels of the COVID-19 patients as well as the general public was reported by the findings of the study. In return, these mental health issues and related factors such as alcoholism tend to lead to a rise in gender-based violence ( 39 – 42 ). Several researchers have reported that the sales of alcohol have skyrocketed during pandemic [e.g., ( 43 , 44 )]. Polakovic ( 43 ) reported a rise of 55% in the consumption of alcoholic beverages in the United States. Evidence also suggests that increase in male migration reduces gender violence due to reduced exposure to the potential perpetrators ( 45 ). When under quarantine, women individuals are in close proximity to the male members with limited to no freedom to go out, thus leading to an increase in gender violence at home. Pandemics also increase economic vulnerabilities because of the rise in unemployment, or, in the risk of unemployment. Several studies link economic insecurities to increased gender-based violence. Economic insecurity has been found to be linked to adopting poor coping strategies that are inclusive of substance abuse ( 46 – 48 ). These, in turn, have been found to be associated with various forms of gender-based violence ( 49 ). However, interesting gender differences can be observed in this context. Bhalotra et al. ( 50 ) reported that increase in male unemployment was associated with increase in interpersonal violence against women where an increase in women unemployment was associated with a decrease in violence against them. According to Schneider et al. ( 51 ), such an outcome could be because of male backlash resulting from feelings of emasculation and inadequacy at not being able to serve the role of a breadwinner of the family. According to Bradbury-Jones and Isham ( 52 ), it could also be because of the distorted power dynamics at home resulting in abuse and gender violence that escapes the scrutiny of anyone from outside. The problem of gender-based violence during the pandemic further worsens because the police are unable to tackle the issue of gender-based violence. According to a report, gender-based violence in Liberia could have also increased because the police were overwhelmed and unable to defend the victims ( 53 ). Richards ( 54 ) reported that economic strain, substance abuse, and isolation all tend to increase the risk of domestic violence. Based on the above literature review, it is evident that understanding of gender violence is a key priority in order to achieve gender equality globally.

Past researches have established a strong link between different forms of gender-based violence and psychological issues. Thus, it is all the more important to tackle the issue of rising gender-based violence in the face of COVID-19. It has been reported that women who experience one form of gender-based violence are more likely to experience other forms of gender violence ( 55 ). According to Campbell ( 56 ), intimate partner violence is associated with PTSD, depression, chronic pain, sexually transmitted diseases, etc. Woods ( 57 ) reported that PTSD symptoms could be observed in both abused and post-abused women. Jackson et al. ( 58 ) established a link between traumatic brain injury and woman battering. They reported that the frequency of being hit in the head was significantly correlated with severe cognitive symptoms. Walker ( 59 ) reported that victims of domestic violence experience a sequelae of psychological symptoms that include anxiety, depression, avoidance, reexperiencing of traumatic events, and hyper-arousal.

COVID-19 and Gender Violence

COVID-19 seems to be similar to the pandemics in the past since this too has resulted in an increase in cases of domestic violence. According to Bradbury-Jones and Isham ( 52 ), the lockdown imposed to deal with COVID-19 has granted greater freedom to abusers. Several media reports indicate a surge in cases of domestic violence in various countries. According to Kagi ( 60 ), though a drop was observed in the overall crime rates in Australia, the domestic abuse rates increased by 5%. Some charities in Australia also raised concerns about COVID-19 misinformation being used by the offenders to further control and abuse the victims of domestic violence ( 61 ). Allen-Ebrahimian ( 62 ) reported that China witnessed a three-fold increase in the cases of domestic violence after imposing quarantine. Different states in the United States also reported an increase of about 21–35% in domestic violence ( 63 ). Even the UK has been facing concerns due to rising family violence. There has also been an apparent increase in the number of domestic homicides ( 64 ). The Refuge website recorded an increase of 150% in the calls about domestic abuse ( 65 ). An article in The Indian Express draws attention to the fact that a vast majority of people in Mumbai do not have household water connections. With rising summer temperatures, people spending more time at homes during lockdowns, and emphasis on handwashing, there comes the need for household water. Consequently, many women are turning to underground water market operating under the cloak of darkness. Moreover, women have been spending more time queuing up for water and often approach the market in the wee hours of mornings where they often face verbal and sexual harassment ( 66 ). Despite this increase in incidents of gender-based violence, Jagori, a Delhi-based NGO, has witnessed a drop in calls on its helpline numbers by 50%. This could be because of the fear of getting discovered by their offenders at home according to Jaya Velankar, Director Jagori ( 67 ). According to Bradbury-Jones and Isham ( 52 ), the lockdown imposed to deal with COVID-19 has granted greater freedom to abusers. It has become easier for the abusers to enforce control tactics by limiting the access of the victims to phones, internet, and other people. van Gelder et al. ( 68 ) also emphasized that the lockdown limits familiar support options. In an article published by BU today ( 69 ), Rothman who is a professor of Community Health Sciences raised concerns about declaring sale of guns to be essential services in some states of the United States. This increases the likelihood of fatal interpersonal violence. Fielding ( 70 ) pointed out that the victims of abuse may even be scared to visit a hospital for treatment of their injuries due to the fear of contracting the COVID-19 disease.

Tackling Gender-Based Violence During COVID-19

The first step to tackle the issue of rising gender violence in the times of pandemic is the acknowledgment of the issue, which has been ignored during the pandemics in the past ( 71 ). Campbell ( 28 ) emphasizes that expanding community partnerships and spreading awareness about the importance of reporting incidents of abuse are crucial to reducing the number of such cases. According to Bradbury and Isham ( 52 ), one way to deal with the issue of domestic violence is by constantly asking if people feel safe at home. However, it is very crucial that the people asking these questions have the time and emotional resources. It is often possible that the victims may communicate in subtle and indirect ways, which can be easily missed. They also emphasize the importance of online and telephonic services for those seeking therapeutic interventions, counseling, or any other kind of support. Gerster ( 72 ) emphasizes that neighbors of families with violence can also help to reduce domestic violence by initiating conversation with them. Researchers also emphasize the need to train healthcare workers to recognize the signs of violence to tackle the issue of gender-based violence ( 73 , 74 ). Van Gelder et al. ( 68 ) emphasize the role of the media to raise awareness about the issue of gender violence during pandemic as well as about the practices that can replace the conventional in-person support. These may include offering supportive statements, promoting safety guidelines via advertisements, bystander approaches, and accessing help on behalf of the victim after obtaining consent. They also call for increase in service availability and funding for protection needs and shelters during quarantine. Hatchimonji et al. ( 71 ) called for coupling physical distancing with social support to ensure that it does not exacerbate gender violence. There is also a strong need to strengthen the helpline services which victims of gender violence can utilize without alerting their offenders. Antonio Guteres, the United Nations Secretary General, also emphasized the need for the countries to prioritize support by setting up emergency warning systems for individuals facing family violence ( 75 ). Mazza et al. ( 76 ) have emphasized on the need of a trained multidisciplinary staff including psychologists, psychiatrists, and social and legal services to prevent acts of domestic violence and ensure accurate assessment of various domains of the abuse.

Some countries have in fact tried to adapt to the situation of quarantine resulting from COVID-19 by implementing several practices to reduce gender-based violence. For instance, France has set up warning systems at groceries and pharmacies to enable victims of gender and family violence to alert the authorities ( 77 ). They may also alert the staff about the required help by using code words that have been introduced. Domestic Violence Resource Center Australia has also issued specific guidance for family and friends to support those in family violence situations ( 78 ). UNFPA (United Nations Population Fund) and UN Women have published guidelines that can be utilized by various governments to include gender considerations into their responses ( 15 , 79 ). National Domestic Violence Hotline, USA, has also been offering service via online texting chat so that victims of domestic violence can seek help ( 80 ). In Beijing, a judicial court has been using cloud-based platforms and online court hearings to deal with cases of gender-based violence in the times of pandemic ( 81 ). Nair and Banerjee ( 82 ) emphasized the need for the combined efforts of health professionals with print and digital media to avoid misinformation and educate people about abuse prevention.

In a conversation with staff of AALI (Association for Advocacy and Legal Initiative, Lucknow, India), it was revealed that the actions being taken by the authorities in India are insufficient to deal with the issue of gender violence during COVID-19. NGOs have requested to publicize the phone numbers of the protection officers by sticking them outside their offices to make them more accessible to the victims. The AALI staff member also expressed concern over a lack of sense of urgency when dealing with domestic violence cases under lockdown. The effectiveness of the helplines is reduced if it is not followed by necessary action and is merely recorded as data. The National Commission of Women (NCW), India and NGOs such as Jagori have compiled information pertaining to the One Stop Centers, protection officers, and other support services on their websites. Aman: global Voices for Peace in the Home, which is a network of over 146 organizations and individuals working on the issue of violence against women across 18 states in India, has written a letter to the National Commission of Women, India with collective recommendations to respond to the situation of women facing violence under lockdown. The recommendations include making the helpline numbers such as 181 and 1,091 functional; publicizing the support services and resources available; utilizing Nirbhaya funds (Nirbhaya Fund is a corpus fund of Indian rupee 10 billion created by the Government of India to support the activities and initiatives of the government and NGOs working towards protecting the dignity and ensuring safety of women in India.) to increase the availability of resources available to NGOs offering legal aid, counseling, and shelter to women facing violence; developing special protocols to provide support to trans women, disabled women, and migrant women who are even more marginalized and have negligible access to support; and forming a panel of lawyers offering legal information to women over phone, among others. The Aman network has also recommended to build a temporary shelter in the Kashmir Valley, as there are no shelter homes built under the Protection of Women under the Domestic Violence Act, 2005.

The outcome of gender-based violence is long lasting for its victims, and rampant for the responses that are often inadequate. Hence, it is crucial to maintain a sense of urgency in cases of gender-based violence even during crisis situations. Based on the above literature review, it can be maintained that there is a need for a holistic response model to deal with the issue of gender-based violence during current and possible future pandemics. Health professionals, media, and community efforts must be combined to effectively deal with the issue of gender-based violence. Moreover, continuous and rigorous efforts are required to put an end to the stigma associated with gender-based violence.

The spread of the novel Coronavirus has created a myriad of problems for the people to grapple with. In the absence of a vaccine and effective treatment for this virus, the governments are forced to impose quarantines to reduce the spread of the disease. However, this has resulted in a paradox of social distancing, which includes issues such as economic instability, mental health problems, and isolation. Although there have been researches exploring the impact of COVID-19, there is a lack of rigorous literature highlighting these issues from the perspective of gender. This also involves the issue of rising gender violence during the pandemic. COVID-19 has not only led to an increase in the cases of gender-based violence but has disconnected them from their support networks. To reduce the prevalence of the issue, it is crucial to acknowledge the extent of gender-based violence, reimagine government policies, and support networks to make it easier for the victims to access them and, lastly, create awareness about the issue as well as the resources available to tackle it.

Author Contributions

SM and TS contributed to the conception, structure of the paper, contributed to analysis, and interpretation of available literature. SM contributed to the development initial draft. TS reviewed and critiqued the output for important intellectual content. All authors contributed to the article and approved the submitted version.

Conflict of Interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

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Keywords: quarantine, gender-based violence, pandemic, domestic violence, COVID 19

Citation: Mittal S and Singh T (2020) Gender-Based Violence During COVID-19 Pandemic: A Mini-Review. Front. Glob. Womens Health 1:4. doi: 10.3389/fgwh.2020.00004

Received: 06 June 2020; Accepted: 27 July 2020; Published: 08 September 2020.

Reviewed by:

Copyright © 2020 Mittal and Singh. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY) . The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.

*Correspondence: Tushar Singh, tusharsinghalld@gmail.com

Disclaimer: All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article or claim that may be made by its manufacturer is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

Gender-Based Violence (Violence Against Women and Girls)

Photo: Simone D. McCourtie / World Bank

Gender-based violence (GBV) or violence against women and girls (VAWG), is a global pandemic that affects 1 in 3 women in their lifetime.

The numbers are staggering:

• 35% of women worldwide have experienced either physical and/or sexual intimate partner violence or non-partner sexual violence.
• Globally, 7% of women have been sexually assaulted by someone other than a partner.
• Globally, as many as 38% of murders of women are committed by an intimate partner.
• 200 million women have experienced female genital mutilation/cutting.

This issue is not only devastating for survivors of violence and their families, but also entails significant social and economic costs. In some countries, violence against women is estimated to cost countries up to 3.7% of their GDP – more than double what most governments spend on education.

Failure to address this issue also entails a significant cost for the future.  Numerous studies have shown that children growing up with violence are more likely to become survivors themselves or perpetrators of violence in the future.

One characteristic of gender-based violence is that it knows no social or economic boundaries and affects women and girls of all socio-economic backgrounds: this issue needs to be addressed in both developing and developed countries.

Decreasing violence against women and girls requires a community-based, multi-pronged approach, and sustained engagement with multiple stakeholders. The most effective initiatives address underlying risk factors for violence, including social norms regarding gender roles and the acceptability of violence.

The World Bank is committed to addressing gender-based violence through investment, research and learning, and collaboration with stakeholders around the world.

Since 2003, the World Bank has engaged with countries and partners to support projects and knowledge products aimed at preventing and addressing GBV. The Bank supports over $300 million in development projects aimed at addressing GBV in World Bank Group (WBG)-financed operations, both through standalone projects and through the integration of GBV components in sector-specific projects in areas such as transport, education, social protection, and forced displacement.  Recognizing the significance of the challenge, addressing GBV in operations has been highlighted as a World Bank priority, with key commitments articulated under both IDA 17 and 18, as well as within the World Bank Group Gender Strategy .

The World Bank conducts analytical work —including rigorous impact evaluation—with partners on gender-based violence to generate lessons on effective prevention and response interventions at the community and national levels.

The World Bank regularly  convenes a wide range of development stakeholders  to share knowledge and build evidence on what works to address violence against women and girls.

Over the last few years, the World Bank has ramped up its efforts to address more effectively GBV risks in its operations , including learning from other institutions.

Addressing GBV is a significant, long-term development challenge. Recognizing the scale of the challenge, the World Bank’s operational and analytical work has expanded substantially in recent years.   The Bank’s engagement is building on global partnerships, learning, and best practices to test and advance effective approaches both to prevent GBV—including interventions to address the social norms and behaviors that underpin violence—and to scale up and improve response when violence occurs.  

World Bank-supported initiatives are important steps on a rapidly evolving journey to bring successful interventions to scale, build government and local capacity, and to contribute to the knowledge base of what works and what doesn’t through continuous monitoring and evaluation.

Addressing the complex development challenge of gender-based violence requires significant learning and knowledge sharing through partnerships and long-term programs. The World Bank is committed to working with countries and partners to prevent and address GBV in its projects. 

Knowledge sharing and learning

Violence against Women and Girls: Lessons from South Asia is the first report of its kind to gather all available data and information on GBV in the region. In partnership with research institutions and other development organizations, the World Bank has also compiled a comprehensive review of the global evidence for effective interventions to prevent or reduce violence against women and girls. These lessons are now informing our work in several sectors, and are captured in sector-specific resources in the VAWG Resource Guide: www.vawgresourceguide.org .

The World Bank’s  Global Platform on Addressing GBV in Fragile and Conflict-Affected Settings  facilitated South-South knowledge sharing through workshops and yearly learning tours, building evidence on what works to prevent GBV, and providing quality services to women, men, and child survivors.  The Platform included a $13 million cross-regional and cross-practice initiative, establishing pilot projects in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Nepal, Papua New Guinea, and Georgia, focused on GBV prevention and mitigation, as well as knowledge and learning activities.

The World Bank regularly convenes a wide range of development stakeholders to address violence against women and girls. For example, former WBG President Jim Yong Kim committed to an annual  Development Marketplace  competition, together with the Sexual Violence Research Initiative (SVRI) , to encourage researchers from around the world to build the evidence base of what works to prevent GBV. In April 2019, the World Bank awarded $1.1 million to 11 research teams from nine countries as a result of the fourth annual competition.

Addressing GBV in World Bank Group-financed operations

The World Bank supports both standalone GBV operations, as well as the integration of GBV interventions into development projects across key sectors.

Standalone GBV operations include:

• In August 2018, the World Bank committed $100 million to help prevent GBV in the DRC . The Gender-Based Violence Prevention and Response Project will reach 795,000 direct beneficiaries over the course of four years. The project will provide help to survivors of GBV, and aim to shift social norms by promoting gender equality and behavioral change through strong partnerships with civil society organizations. 
• In the  Great Lakes Emergency Sexual and Gender Based Violence & Women's Health Project , the World Bank approved $107 million in financial grants to Burundi, the DRC, and Rwanda  to provide integrated health and counseling services, legal aid, and economic opportunities to survivors of – or those affected by – sexual and gender-based violence. In DRC alone, 40,000 people, including 29,000 women, have received these services and support.
• The World Bank is also piloting innovative uses of social media to change behaviors . For example, in the South Asia region, the pilot program WEvolve  used social media  to empower young women and men to challenge and break through prevailing norms that underpin gender violence.

Learning from the Uganda Transport Sector Development Project and following the Global GBV Task Force’s recommendations , the World Bank has developed and launched a rigorous approach to addressing GBV risks in infrastructure operations:

• Guided by the GBV Good Practice Note launched in October 2018, the Bank is applying new standards in GBV risk identification, mitigation and response to all new operations in sustainable development and infrastructure sectors.
• These standards are also being integrated into active operations; GBV risk management approaches are being applied to a selection of operations identified high risk in fiscal year (FY) 2019.
• In the East Asia and Pacific region , GBV prevention and response interventions – including a code of conduct on sexual exploitation and abuse – are embedded within the Vanuatu Aviation Investment Project .
• The Liberia Southeastern Corridor Road Asset Management Project , where sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) awareness will be raised, among other strategies, as part of a pilot project to employ women in the use of heavy machinery. 
• The Bolivia Santa Cruz Road Corridor Project uses a three-pronged approach to address potential GBV, including a Code of Conduct for their workers; a Grievance Redress Mechanism (GRM) that includes a specific mandate to address any kinds gender-based violence; and concrete measures to empower women and to bolster their economic resilience by helping them learn new skills, improve the production and commercialization of traditional arts and crafts, and access more investment opportunities.
• The Mozambique Integrated Feeder Road Development Project identified SEA as a substantial risk during project preparation and takes a preemptive approach: a Code of Conduct; support to – and guidance for – the survivors in case any instances of SEA were to occur within the context of the project – establishing a “survivor-centered approach” that creates multiple entry points for anyone experiencing SEA to seek the help they need; and these measures are taken in close coordination with local community organizations, and an international NGO Jhpiego, which has extensive experience working in Mozambique.

Strengthening institutional efforts to address GBV  

In October 2016, the World Bank launched the  Global Gender-Based Violence Task Force  to strengthen the institution’s efforts to prevent and respond to risks of GBV, and particularly sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) that may arise in World Bank-supported projects. It builds on existing work by the World Bank and other actors to tackle violence against women and girls through strengthened approaches to identifying and assessing key risks, and developing key mitigations measures to prevent and respond to sexual exploitation and abuse and other forms of GBV. 

In line with its commitments under IDA 18 , the World Bank developed an Action Plan for Implementation of the Task Force’s recommendations , consolidating key actions across institutional priorities linked to enhancing social risk management, strengthening operational systems to enhance accountability, and building staff and client capacity to address risks of GBV through training and guidance materials.

As part of implementation of the GBV Task Force recommendations, the World Bank has developed a GBV risk assessment tool and rigorous methodology to assess contextual and project-related risks. The tool is used by any project containing civil works.

The World Bank has developed a Good Practice Note (GPN) with recommendations to assist staff in identifying risks of GBV, particularly sexual exploitation and abuse and sexual harassment that can emerge in investment projects with major civil works contracts. Building on World Bank experience and good international industry practices, the note also advises staff on how to best manage such risks. A similar toolkit and resource note for Borrowers is under development, and the Bank is in the process of adapting the GPN for key sectors in human development.

The GPN provides good practice for staff on addressing GBV risks and impacts in the context of the Environmental and Social Framework (ESF) launched on October 1, 2018, including the following ESF standards, as well as the safeguards policies that pre-date the ESF: 

• ESS 1: Assessment and Management of Environmental and Social Risks and Impacts;
• ESS 2: Labor and Working Conditions;
• ESS 4: Community Health and Safety; and
• ESS 10: Stakeholder Engagement and Information Disclosure.

In addition to the Good Practice Note and GBV Risk Assessment Screening Tool, which enable improved GBV risk identification and management, the Bank has made important changes in its operational processes, including the integration of SEA/GBV provisions into its safeguard and procurement requirements as part of evolving Environmental, Social, Health and Safety (ESHS) standards, elaboration of GBV reporting and response measures in the Environmental and Social Incident Reporting Tool, and development of guidance on addressing GBV cases in our grievance redress mechanisms.

In line with recommendations by the Task Force to disseminate lessons learned from past projects, and to sensitize staff on the importance of addressing risks of GBV and SEA, the World Bank has developed of trainings for Bank staff to raise awareness of GBV risks and to familiarize staff with new GBV measures and requirements.  These trainings are further complemented by ongoing learning events and intensive sessions of GBV risk management.

Last Updated: Sep 25, 2019

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Gender-based violence against women during the COVID-19 pandemic: recommendations for future

Abbas ostadtaghizadeh.

1 Department of Health in Emergencies and Disasters, School of Public Health, Tehran University of Medical Sciences, Tehran, Iran

Mozhdeh Zarei

Nadia saniee.

2 Assistant Professor of Medical Library and Information Science, Department of Public Health, Asadabad School of Medical Sciences, Asadabad, Iran

Mohammad Aziz Rasouli

3 Department of Epidemiology and Biostatistics, Faculty of Medicine, Kurdistan University of Medical Sciences, Sanandaj, Iran

Associated Data

The data that support the findings of this study are available from the corresponding author but restrictions apply to the availability of these data, which were used under license for the current study, and so are not publicly available. Data are however available from the authors upon reasonable request and with permission of the corresponding author.

Gender-based violence (GBV) includes any physical, sexual, psychological, economic harms, and any suffering of women in the form of limiting their freedom in personal or social life. As a global crisis, COVID-19 has exposed women to more violence, which requires serious actions. This work aims to review the most critical dimensions of the GBV against women, effective factors on it, and strategies for combating it during the COVID-19 pandemic in order to provide recommendations for future pandemics.

This study was conducted based on PRISMA-ScR. First, PubMed, Embase, Scopus, Web of Science, ProQuest, and Google Scholar were searched in April 2021 with no time limitation and location using the related keywords to COVID-19 and GBV. The searched keywords were COVID-19, gender-based violence, domestic violence, sexual violence, women, violence, abuse, and their synonyms in MESH and EMTREE. Duplicates were removed, titles and abstracts were screened, and then the characteristics and main results of included studies were recorded in the data collection form in terms of thematic content analysis.

A total of 6255 records were identified, of which 3433 were duplicates. Based on inclusion criteria 2822 titles and abstracts were screened. Finally, 14 studies were eligible for inclusion in this study. Most of these studies were conducted in the United States, the Netherlands, and Iran, mostly with interventional and qualitative methods.

Conclusions

Strengthening ICT infrastructure, providing comprehensive government policies and planning, government economic support, social support by national and international organizations should be considered by countries worldwide. It is suggested that countries provide sufficient ICT infrastructure, comprehensive policies and planning, economic support, social support by collaboration between national and international organizations, and healthcare supporting to manage incidence of GBV against women in future pandemics.

Supplementary Information

The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1186/s12905-023-02372-6.

Introduction

International definitions of gender-based violence(GBV) and violence against women have emerged since the early 1990s [ 1 ]. GBV is a phenomenon deeply rooted in gender inequality, and continues to be one of the most notable human rights violations within all societies [ 2 ]. GBV as a main violence against women includes any physical, sexual, psychological, economic, and also any suffering of women in the form of restricting their freedom in personal or social life [ 3 ]. Most sexual violence is related to interpersonal relationships includes domestic violence, sexual violence, forced marriage, female genital mutilation, harassment, violence and abuse, and human trafficking [ 3 , 4 ].

As an example of the impact of GBV on women, the results of studies from 2000 to 2018 showed that more than one in four women (27%) between the ages of 15 and 49 had ever have had a sexual partner, experienced physical or sexual violence, or both, since the age of 15 [ 5 , 6 ].

In the past, crises have been associated with increased cases of GBV in natural disasters, including the earthquake in Haiti in 2007, Hurricane Katrina in 2005, and the eruption of Mount St. Helens in the 1980s due to unemployment, family, and other stressors has been reported [ 7 – 10 ]. According to researchers, epidemics cannot be excluded from this [ 11 ]. Recent outbreaks such as Ebola, Cholera, Zika, and Nipah have also led to an increase in cases of domestic violence [ 12 ]. Also, cases of sexual assault, violence against women, and rape also increased during the Ebola outbreak in West Africa [ 13 ].

GBV, already a global crisis before the pandemic, has intensified since the outbreak of COVID-19. Lockdowns and other mobility restrictions have left many women trapped with their abusers, isolated from social contact and support networks [ 14 ].

Health guidelines on quarantine and “stay home” during COVID-19 pandemic expose women to further damages. In this situation, many countries around the world, such as the United States, Ireland, China, the United Kingdom, and African have experienced a dramatic increase in domestic violence, which is one of the dimensions of GBV [ 4 ]. The results of studies have shown that China has witnessed a three-fold increase in domestic violence cases after the imposition of quarantine, and an increase of 21 to 35% in domestic violence was also reported in different states of the United States [ 15 ].

In the absence of a vaccine or effective treatment for Covid-19, quarantine for various periods of time has been used as an option by most countries, leading to lifestyle changes [ 16 ]. Most of the work is done from home and efforts are made to maintain social distance. These measures are critical to protecting health care systems [ 17 ]. However, positive efforts to combat COVID-19 have negative consequences associated with them. These negative consequences include the risk of job loss, economic vulnerabilities, and mental health issues due to isolation, loneliness, and uncertainty [ 16 , 17 ].

Considering the importance of maintaining the safety and health of women as half of a society and their key roles in the family, especially during pandemics and crises, and looking at existing studies shows that different research have been carried out by one of the methods of literature review regarding one aspect of GBV against women. Organizations, researchers and civil society representatives have warned of an increase in reports of GBV against women during the Covid-19 pandemic. Concerns about this issue have been expressed through official and unofficial networks, and they have emphasized the need to create effective interventions to prevent and combat this phenomenon. The urgency of this situation requires an analysis of the available scientific literature on strategies and recommendations to deal with GBV against women in the context of social distancing measures adopted as a response to the COVID-19 pandemic.

This scoping review is directly aligned with the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses extension for Scoping Reviews (PRISMA-ScR) Check- list [ 18 ]. The present study seeks to answer the following questions:

• What were the most important dimensions of the gender-based violence against women during the COVID-19 pandemic?
• What were the effective factors on increasing the gender-based violence against women during the COVID-19 pandemic?
• What were the most important strategies to combat the gender-based violence against women during the COVID-19 pandemic?
• Which strategies are recommended to manage the gender-based violence in future pandemics?

Protocol and registration

We utilized the scoping review framework by Arksey and O’Malley (2005), as well as recent guidance to increase rigor and reporting of scoping reviews [ 19 ]. The a priori protocol for this review was drafted using the PRISMA extension for Scoping Reviews [ 18 ]. Due to the rapid nature of this review, the protocol for this review was not published, but can be accessed by contacting the authors.

Eligibility criteria

The inclusion criteria were: Original articles, narrative reviews, short communications, and grey literature related to the GBV against women during the COVID-19 pandemic; Availability of Full-text; Published in the English.

The exclusion criteria were: Case studies, notes, letter to the editor, editorials, comments, conference papers, perspectives, systematic reviews, meta-analysis; and scoping reviews: studies related to domestic violence and sexual violence alone; studies focusing on the GBV against children and men.

Information sources

We searched PubMed, Embase, Scopus, Web of Science, Proquest databases, and Google Scholar in April 2021 without time limitation and locations. The searched keywords were COVID-19, gender-based violence, domestic violence, sexual violence, women, violence, abuse, and their synonyms in MESH and EMTREE. The search strategies were provided by NS and approved by MZ. The search strategy for each database is mentioned in Appendix 1. The references of included documents were also reviewed to identify more related articles.

Selection of sources of evidence

All searched records were imported into EndNote-8. After removing duplicates, the title and abstract of studies were screened. Finally, related full-texts were selected and then confirmed them. The most important reason for removing studies in the screening phase was focusing on other kinds of violence than GBV.

Data extraction

A data extraction form was developed using Excel spreadsheet and bibliographic characteristics of each document including the first author, year of the research, research method, dimensions of the GBV against women, effective factors on it, and strategies for preventing it were recorded by MZ and approved by NS.

Synthesis of results

The data analysis steps included familiarizing with the concept, determining primary codes, searching for semantic units in the text, reviewing semantic units, defining and naming semantic units, and reporting [ 20 ]. First, the gender-based violence was considered as a main theme. Second, dimensions of the GBV, effective factors on it, and key strategies for combating it during the COVID-19 pandemic were determined as sub-themes, then overlapping themes were merged together. Finally, narrative methods were applied to synthesize the extracted results and main strategies were recommended for future pandemics.

After performing the search, a total of 6,255 records was identified, of which 3,433 were duplicates. In terms of inclusion criteria, 2822 titles and abstracts were screened. After studying 22 full texts, 14 ones were eligible for including in the study (Fig.  1 ).

PRISMA diagram of search and selection process

Quality assessment

The quality assessment of studies was not done due to the different methodology of the included studies and the type of review (Scoping reviews) [ 21 ].

Measure characteristics

The bibliographic characteristics of these studies are presented in Table  1 . The results showed that Turkey, the United Kingdom, the United States, and South Africa had the highest number of studies with two articles, and Indonesia, Italy, Nigeria, Colombia, Ecuador, and Brazil had the lowest number of studies with one study. Eight of these studies were conducted in the form of literature review and analysis of government documents, while two studies were survey, two studies were qualitative, one was observational, and one was a mixed methods study. A total of 12 studies were conducted in 2020 and two studies in 2021.

Descriptive characteristics of selected studies

Psychometric evaluation

In this section, we answer the research questions and then recommend main strategies for combating gender-based violence against women in future pandemics.

Dimensions of gender-based violence against women during the COVID-19 pandemic

The review of the literature showed that GBV against women is more in the form of verbal, emotional, psychological, physical, sexual, family, structural (government and community), economic, inheritance, online and dating, access to health, deprivation of liberty in community and personal life, femicide, and ultimately suicide.

Yenilmez stated that during the COVID-19 pandemic, the most important forms of GBV against women were physical, psychological, and sexual violence by their sexual partners, so that one in three women has faced this violence. Home quarantine is one of the factors that have contributed to this issue [ 4 , 22 ]. Violence against women can be structural and direct. Structural violence is created through social and governmental laws and makes women economically dependent on men, while direct violence is related to family relationships and in the form of sexual violence and death. There are six types of GBV against women in Colombian society, including sexual, physical, psychological, inheritance, economic, and digital. This violence occurs at the level of family, workplace, university, community, organization, and in the form of genocide. In the private sector, this violence is emotional, physical, economic, and sexual, occurring in the scientific environment, workplace, community, and family. Violence against women is not just a matter of appearance; it is also in the form of placing them second to men. Violence against women in countries like Colombia and Mexico is not just related to family relations or marriage; it also includes criminal and drug-related violence. Thus, violence is divided into two categories: sexual partner violence and non-sexual partner violence [ 23 ].

Magezi stated that most GBV against women is in the form of physical, psychological, economic, and sexual violence perpetrated by sexual partners. Synonymous terms for violence by an emotional partner include “wife beating “, “beating”, and “domestic violence” [ 24 ]. The GBV is defined by Jatmiko as physical, sexual-psychological violence, suffering and social exclusion. Social networks created another type of gender-based violence as online gender-based violence. The justification for this online GBV is institutionalized patriarchy in cyberspace. This culture naturalizes GBV against women and ignores men’s mistakes in the form of online rape. Many cases of online gender-based violence include; virtual chats, rape videos, sex chat, taking photos of model women and broadcasting them in cyberspace or threatening to broadcast them if they do not have sex, and selling pornographic photos as an illegal trade have been reported by women [ 25 ].

Factors affecting the incidence of gender-based violence during the COVID-19 pandemic

According to the literature, the most important factors affecting the incidence of GBV against women during the COVID-19 pandemic were quarantine and social distancing and the resulting stress; lack of access to social support for women and girls, women’s employment in the private and informal sectors; gender inequality and patriarchal social norms; failure to investigate cases of GBV by police and not prosecuting criminals, economic problems due to quarantine and unemployment of men, women’s unemployment and women’s economic dependence on men, women’s employment; alcohol and substance abuse by sexual partners and spouses, the digital gap in e-learning and access to social networks, the lack of transparent rules and registration system of real cases of GBV against women, age and level of education of women; no basic government regulations; the perception of violence against women as hallmark by the family and society, previous abusive relationships; dependence on children, threatening to kill women and children by men and not prosecuting online criminals. GBV against women increased with the beginning and continuation of quarantine and social distancing in COVID-19 pandemic [ 4 , 22 , 24 , 26 – 30 ]. Violence against women is more common in public [ 3 , 26 ], but during the quarantine, gender-based violence against women was more prevalent in the home and less in public. This has imposed a great psychological burden on women [ 24 , 27 – 29 ]. No accurate reporting of violence against women causes does not receive much attention from governments. Women themselves may refuse to report it. Irregular distribution of this phenomenon in the whole population also causes the “classical elusive phenomenon”, which will affect the data collection. Violence against women is stigmatized by the family and society, and women refuse to report it [ 23 ]. The absence of clear internal rules and registration systems for GBV causes the lack of knowledge about the real cases of GBV against women and the confrontation of governments with it [ 3 , 27 ].

The presence of men in the home does not mean their participation in household chores; men’s lack of cooperation in household chores, raising children and caring for the disabled and the elderly has imposed a great psychological burden on women and prevented them from earning money. Also, the laws and patriarchy have influenced the employment of women, especially during COVID-19 pandemic. So, women cannot play their political, social, and economic roles [ 22 , 23 ]. Women horizontal inequality includes political inequality, inequality in access to education, and fertility rates that can lead to economic inequality and consequently violence against women. In terms of gender, this inequality places women in the minority group. Thus, the economic, social, and cultural implications of COVID-19 have made women the main victims of this pandemic [ 23 ].

Valencia et al. reported that declining political and economic role of women, unfavorable working conditions, women economic dependence on men, have led to sexual, physical, and psychological violence against women and even their death in the public and private sectors. So, government and social laws have encouraged this violence [ 23 ]. Lack of attention to menstrual health needs during quarantine in developing societies has also affected sexual health and reproduction in vulnerable women. The closure of schools during the pandemic and the online education has caused many problems for female students. Marginalization, mental health problems, digital gap, the stress of working at home, and uncertainty about the future affected female students during the pandemic. Also, quarantine financial pressures on families led to girls’ employment or early marriage [ 23 ].

Lack of services such as women’s rights network, health workers and teachers, in the pandemic lockdown has led to an increase in violence. Womens’ working in the informal sector reduces access to care and treatment facilities [ 4 , 23 ]. Magezi stated that the weak economy, alcohol consumption at home, lack of access to socio-psychological support from religious and non-religious counselors, relationship with the abusive partner and staying with him for a long time during quarantine, lack of income and stress and economic dependence on spouse have led to an increase in GBV during the pandemic in Zimbabwe. In this country, most GBV is perpetrated by spouses. These women are eventually killed or commit suicide due to emotional depression, restrictions and beating. Concerns about children and fear of losing them due to divorce, lack of income, separation from family and friends, lack of access to social resources and religious centers, and lack of support from them, cultural and religious concepts instilled in women that they are inferior to men, threatening to kill their wives or children or themselves, as well as threatening women to leave home or exposing their husbands’ abuse, are factors associated with the increase of GBV against women during the COVID-19 pandemic [ 24 ].

Lund et al. reported that lack of access to shelters due to their conversion into medical centers or closure to prevent the spread of the disease is reason for the increase of the GBV [ 27 ]. In a study by Afu, quarantine and being long hours at home, economic problems, anti-woman norms in society, and alcohol consumption were presented as the main causes of GBV against women in Nigeria [ 31 ]. John et al. also reported that quarantine ,lack of access to services needed by women and girls and the use of existing services to prevent the transmission of COVID-19, economic problems of families, lack of police intervention and imprisonment of aggressors due to fears of outbreaks, turning the women’s shelter into a shelter for homeless people, the lack of accommodation for new people in the women’s shelter due to concerns about the spread of the disease and expressed anti-woman social norms as the factors that increase GBV against women [ 30 ]. Speed et al. stated that essential reasons for gender-based violence against women are the result of inequality of women’s power due to patriarchal social structures. Also, the stress, anxiety, and economic strain caused by a pandemic can contribute to this. Drug and alcohol use, inability to support family expenses, isolation of women, and overcrowding during the quarantine have increased GBV. The closure of asylums and non-accepting new people in accordance with government policies or at the request of the residents of these settlements has reduced the access of victims of sexual violence to these places during COVID-19 pandemic. This will have an adverse effect due to the increase in domestic violence cases and the decrease in the budget for refugees. As a result, the income of support organizations will decrease and their performance will be unfavorable in the future [ 3 ]. Lack of access to communication devices such as mobile phones and Internet are other aggravating factors [ 4 ].

Research and practice recommendations

Social support.

Marceline Naudi, chair of the Council of Europe’s Group of Experts declared that guidelines are among the most important ways to reduce GBV against women. Examples of these guidelines were developed by the European Convention on Prevention and Control in Turkey. Providing welfare and support services such as information centers and active helplines, including the numbers and addresses of local caregivers, and raising awareness among young women and girls are other ways to combat violence against women during pandemics. Italy, for example, used the number “1522” as a helpline for victims of sexual violence during the COVID-19 pundemic. Providing support lines in Australia, France, and the United Kingdom are another cases. Providing anti-violence policies is another approach used by France, Italy, and Spain. Providing shelter for victims, such as hotels, and providing care and accurate recording of violence against women have been other ways of combating GBV. In Italy, according to the law, criminals must leave the family, not the victims. Canada has also announced Sexual Victim Care Centers as part of its support package [ 4 , 22 ]. Colombia has also set up special hotlines to record and track GBV against women. The calls are usually made to the public emergency. It is necessary to teach young women and girls in urban and rural areas how to use these lines. Women’s advocacy movements can also be effective in exposing violence against women and strengthening existing policies [ 23 ].

Establishing women’s advocacy centers in the form of legal, psychological, and health protections, establishing transparent government laws to protect women during pandemics, establishing local support systems, reviewing court rulings, and strengthening social support networks for families could be effective for women under GBV [ 22 , 23 ]. The provision of these services should be based on maintaining the confidentiality of victims’ information and increasing their ability and life expectancy of their children. With a comprehensive approach, governmental and non-governmental organizations can work together to provide these services [ 32 ]. For example, UNICEF uses the AAAQ (Availability, Accessibility, Acceptability, and Quality) framework to measure victims’ access to social services through some questions. Supporting organizations should report the list of types of violence and lines of communication through websites, radio, television, and social networks [ 28 ].

Due to the impact of alcohol consumption on violence against women, South Africa has banned the sale of alcohol in clubs. Another strategy to support women was to provide support packages for women during COVID-19 pandemic, so-called “dignity kits”. People in the community should feel responsible for each other and receive the necessary training in this regard [ 4 , 22 ]. Supporting organizations should increase the number of hours and days of service delivery and inform about this. These services include social support (food packages, emergency housing payments for families and providing toy packages for children), provision of educational packages for schools and training individuals and organizations that may be contacted by victims during COVID-19 pandemic [ 3 , 32 ].

Community-based services can be effective in improving gender roles and determining the extent and nature of gender-based violence. The provision of refugees support services, such as accommodation in hotels and hospitals, has been provided by countries such as France, the United Kingdom, and Germany. Speed mentioned the establishment of a suitable accommodation for refugees and performing COVID-19 diagnostic tests, a 6 to 12-month support services after quarantine, and preparing a guide for appearing in court and police cooperation [ 3 ]. Humanitarian organizations can also provide services and collect the necessary data [ 32 ]. Churches can support women and even change men’s behavior by providing spiritual support [ 24 ]. Emergency housing for homeless women, providing individual sexual, physical, and psychological care services, training psychologists to provide basic services to victims, developing protocols and guidelines for combating GBV, women’s violence support centers in the form of psychological support, providing counseling services to couples on the adverse effects of GBV, educating and holding training seminars for girls in schools on marriage and the causes of sexual violence, and the importance of marital relations compared to other relations and trying to maintain it were stated as the most important strategies to deal with GBV [ 29 , 31 , 33 ].

Providing online counseling services and creating a safe environment can be effective in promoting women’s mental and psychological health. Also, health workers and psychologists need to be trained and equipped [ 4 , 22 ]. Caregivers must also have the skills, knowledge, and patience to help victims. Health care professionals need to be aware of the dangers and consequences of GBV and provide the necessary patient care, such as post-traumatic care. For older, disabled, poor women and minority, it is better to use tele-medicine [ 32 ]. Cooperation between health organizations and non-governmental organizations to support women in order to protect women who are under gender-based violence is also necessary [ 27 ]. Providing tele-medicine services is helpful to assist women and girls in preventing pregnancy or miscarriage, as well as providing online guidance and training for them [ 30 ].

Government support

Amendments to government laws protecting the family must be considered. These laws include electronic control, the suspension of prison sentences, the creation of online crime registration and payment portals, the creation of virtual services to support sexually abused women, financial support for women, and women’s participation in charity [ 4 , 22 ]. Governments also need to prioritize their work and provide services to victims [ 28 ]. Governments’ planning to support women and create a safe work environment for them is necessary. Government actions include the provision of primary care, efficient and adequate health care infrastructure and manpower, adequate resources, and support services (telephone and Internet lines, counseling, and shelters for women subjected to gender-based violence). Governments need to learn from previous pandemic experiences and find ways to reduce the harm to women in future pandemics. Police cooperation is another solution by providing advice and creating a safe space in the house without the access of intruders [ 32 ]. Cooperation and participation of governmental and non-governmental organizations at the national and international levels such are other solutions used. Providing homework assignments during the pandemic, food and social security programs, especially for bisexuals who are more prone to gender-based violence are among solutions used [ 24 ]. In the United Kingdom, the government supported GBV organizations during COVID-19 pandemic by allocating financial packages. Evidence shows that providing funding and a financial recording system for small victim advocacy organizations can be helpful. Government financial support for women can take the form of employment and participation in charity activities, such as making face mask [ 4 , 22 ]. In Bangladesh, evidence has shown that households who offered interest-free loans to expedite men immigration have reduced spouses’ physical and sexual violence by 3.5% during six months. Also, women’s employment and income can reduce financial dependence and violence against them. Therefore, governments need to plan to support women and create a safe work environment for them. The use of evidence-based programs and policies to support women entrepreneurship and advocacy organizations is another strategy [ 32 ].

Information and communication technology

Using the code in France, Italy, and Spain for reporting suspicious cases is a protective measure. The covert mobile apps to show signals that abusive people are close has been used in the United Kingdom and Italy. Working with these mobile-based applications should be easy and the incident can be reported to the police with just one click [ 4 , 22 ]. Another option was to set up pop-up booths by organizations supporting women under GBV in supermarkets and pharmacies. In Colombia, creating a safe space for victims in supermarkets and pharmacies in the form of telephone counseling rooms was on the agenda. These hotlines have been used for forced marriage counseling, sexual violence, men’s counseling, and domestic violence counseling in the United Kingdom. Maintaining confidentiality and privacy in the consulting lines particularly in the web environment is necessary [ 3 ]. Supporting organizations are advised to provide a list of violence types and ways of communication through websites, radio, television, and social media [ 28 , 33 ]. The Home Secretary’s “You Are Not Alone” campaign was another initiative in the UK. The campaign was designed to inform at-risk individuals so that they can access to support services and the police. Other initiatives included providing online victim support and Fujitsu security support to provide IT infrastructure for smaller charities. Remote court services can also be used to hear statements made by victims of gender-based violence. The service was used in the UK via Skype and the cloud video platform. Complaints and follow-up guidelines should be posted on the websites of organizations supporting women victims of gender-based violence, legal centers, and social media. Security and definition of access on these platforms is important. The police can also receive the statements of victims and witnesses by phone and receive confirmation of the statements by electronic or non-electronic signature via email or mail. Also, virtual interviews or virtual and face-to-face interviews can be used depending on the importance of the issue. Many women are also uncomfortable holding these sessions at home due to the presence of children; in this case, it is necessary that family courts to be held in the short session. Information on courts and available legal centers during the pandemic should to be provided. Support counseling in the form of online services is of particular importance [ 3 , 27 , 30 , 32 ]. An example of such services is CEPAM-Guayaquil Telephone Consulting in Ecuador. In Italy, the National Network of Domestic Violence Shelters has provided support services via Skype and telephone [ 30 ].

Launching campaigns to combat GBV against women, such as the “Red Mask” campaign, was another strategy. The campaign was launched first in Spain, then in France, Chile, and Argentina under the code “Mask 19”. Argentina used WhatsApp, mobile, and emails to connect more with victims. Public and private campaigns prevented more victims from being at risk by using silent methods such as codes. Another campaign was to raise awareness among rapists about the consequences of GBV. But there was no national system for accessing resources. Access to information on actions taken by governmental and non-governmental organizations to combat gender-based violence can contribute to evidence-based policies [ 28 ]. Creating an accessible service database for victims of gender-based violence is essential. An example of this database in the UK is the “Companies House or the Charity Commission”. This database provides easy access to services for victims and payment to organizations in a convenient way. Holding webinars and online training programs can affect the staff cooperation of sponsoring organizations. Community-based services can also be effective in improving healthy gender roles and determining the extent and nature of GBV. Speed suggested government support for educating charities to attend online and provide training programs for victims [ 3 ]. In order to get acquainted with the needs and barriers to providing services to them, women also should be involved in service decisions. Collected data during the crisis should be segregated by age and gender [ 30 ]. Based on this scoping review, we recommended strategies for managing GBV against women in future pandemics is as follows (Fig.  2 ).

Recommended strategies for managing GBV against women in future pandemics is as follows

In this scoping review, we provided a comprehensive synthesis of the published literature on GBV against women in the COVID-19 era. Results of this work showed, the COVID-19 as an emerging disease spread rapidly, and then many problems arose for the people worldwide, one of these challenges was the increase of violence against women. Dealing with GBV against women required identifying its dimensions, effective factors on it, and strategies to reduce it, which was done in the present study.

We found that the most common GBV against women were physical, sexual, psychological, emotional, economic, digital and virtual, substance use, structural (society and law), verbal, deprivation in personal or social life, femicide and suicide. Stark study showed that the common forms of GBV were sexual partner violence, physical violence, sexual violence, and rape that it mostly happens outside the house [ 34 ]. In a study by Mittal, the most common forms of GBV were physical, sexual, emotional, domestic and female genital mutilation which was similar to this study [ 16 ]. Results of other study showed that most common types of violence against women are psychological/verbal, physical, and sexual, respectively. There was a significant relationship between couples’ age gap, forced marriage, husband addiction, income, and history of violence experienced by the husband with domestic violence against women [ 35 ]. Also, study in Uganda reveals several factors associated with increased risk and vulnerability to GBV during COVID19. Socio-economic status particularly linked to low education achievement (primary education) and the need for assistance to access health care was associated with higher likelihood to experience increased risk and vulnerability to GBV [ 2 ].

These studies showed that the incidence of violence against women had increased due to quarantine conditions and social distancing during the COVID-19 pandemic.

The most GBV before COVID-19 occurred outdoors. In other words, the type of GBV against women during the quarantine is different from before, this can be due to the presence of men at home for more times because of job loss and mental and emotional distress caused by economic problems. Also, the difference between types of GBV among countries can be caused by cultural differences and their level of development. This requires the development of livelihood packages and financial assistance managed by the policy makers of a country.

A review of the existing literature showed that the most common factors influencing the incidence of GBV against women in the COVID-19 era were: lack of access to social support for women and girls, women’s employment in the private and informal sectors, gender inequality and patriarchal social norms, failure of the police to deal with cases of gender-based violence and the prosecution of perpetrators, economic problems due to quarantine and unemployment of men, women’s unemployment and women’s economic dependence on men, alcohol and substance abuse by sexual partners and spouses, the digital gap in e-learning and access to social networks, lack of clear laws and a system for recording real cases of gender-based violence against women, age and level of education of women, lack of basic government regulations, the perception of violence against women as hallmark by the family and society, previous abusive relationships, dependence on children and failure to prosecute online perpetrators of gender-based violence. However, quarantine has been effective in reducing disease transmission, but because of job losses, economic and psychological problems, loneliness and insecurity violent behaviors such as gender-based violence against women have increased. In Mittal study, they pointed out the lack of accurate reporting of cases of GBV during the pandemics, which shows that countries do not pay enough attention to this issue in critical situations [ 16 ]. In addition, results of other studies revealed an association between female sex and more risk for burnout [ 36 ]. Based on literature, females have a tendency to be more susceptible to experiencing the signs of stress particularly, nurses [ 37 ].

Therefore, the establishment of comprehensive national systems for recording and addressing cases of GBV should be on the agenda of governments.

Besides, the laws and traditions that govern society are other causes of GBV against women. Patriarchal societies place women second to men, and this provides the basis for all kinds of GBV against them [ 38 ]. In order to reduce GBV against women, it is suggested that in traditional societies where women have less freedom, arrangements should be made to educate them from school age so that they become familiar with their basic rights. It is necessary that supporting legal institutions follow up and deal with any violence in countries. These trainings should not be limited only to women, but it needs to take action in the whole society regarding any kind of violence against women, and every person should consider himself responsible in this regard. These necessities must be prepared before any crisis, especially pandemics. The issue of government financial support should also be paid to the attention of countries in order to create a sense of financial security in difficult situations. The lack of financial security can lead to all kinds of violence in society, the majority of which will be directed at women.

Arthur and Clark stated that one of the reasons for the increase in GBV against women is their economic dependence on men, which is exacerbated by quarantine due to women’s employment in the private and informal sectors [ 39 ]. Also, women have fewer remote working conditions than men, which make it difficult for them to adapt [ 14 ]. This not only increases the risk of GBV but also makes it impossible to leave spouses and sexual partners. Accordingly, it is necessary for governments to pay attention to the financial needs of women in a pandemic situation and put women distance working on their agenda to reduce their financial dependence on their spouse. The increase in refugees due to the economic problems caused by the pandemic will cause them to be unable to meet their daily needs and as a result the GBV against them will increase. This requires countries’ policies and financial planning to control and reduce the influx of refugees to manage their access to health care services, psychological counseling, courts, police and housing.

On the other hand, outbreaks of pandemics such as influenza, swine flu, and SARS have caused psychological problems in the form of substance and alcohol use, anxiety, and depression that have persisted since the end of the pandemic [ 40 , 41 ]. Results of systematic review showed that the prevalence of postpartum depression in women was relatively high during COVID-19 [ 42 ].

These psychological problems caused by pandemics lead to a variety of violence such as gender-based violence [ 43 ]. Therefore, it is necessary to provide psychological health care services and training for resilience in such situations for women and young girls. Due to pandemic conditions it is better to provide these services in the form of distance counseling and education. However, gender-based violence against women is not limited to pandemic conditions; it also occurs in natural disasters such as floods, earthquakes, and hurricanes [ 44 , 45 ]. According to the Yasmin study, cases of sexual violence in the form of rape and sexual abuse increased significantly during the Ebola outbreak in South Africa [ 46 ]. Given the distinction between different crises caused by natural disasters, war, or the prevalence of diseases and their specific characteristics, it needs to conduct studies to provide a model and solution to combat violence against women.

This review showed that during the COVID-19 pandemic, various measures have been taken to combat and reduce GBV against women by countries, which can be a guide for similar events in future pandemics. The main strategies were divided into five categories: government support in the form of policies and planning, social and humanitarian institutions support, government economic support, health organizations support and using cyberspace to provide health care, remote courts, remote police, online counseling and training of under GBV women. According to Campell, the most important step in combating gender-based violence is to raise people awareness about the importance of gender-based violence [ 44 ]. Other effective measures are the establishment of communication channels through telephone and the Internet to report cases of gender-based violence, counseling, training and follow-up [ 47 ]. The current study revealed the emphasis of the studies on this issue. However, educating individuals should not be limited to victims; rather, all members of society should be responsible, report cases of gender-based violence and help victims voluntarily [ 48 ]. Health care providers should also be trained in identifying and addressing symptoms of violence and taking effective and timely action for victims [ 49 ]. Social media can also help to educate victims by publishing guidelines, advertisements and raising awareness [ 50 ]. This review showed that legal and accountable centers such as the police and medical and social support centers can publish details of access to services through their websites or social networks and help victims. Another measure is the establishment of emergency hotline to support victims. Various studies have pointed to the training and use of staff who are specialized in psychology, psychiatry, social, and legal services, as well as emergency alert systems in grocery stores and pharmacies, cloud and online platforms, online text chat, online courts, shelters, policy-making and government funding [ 16 , 51 ]

Overall, one of the strengths of this study was to provide a comprehensive perspective on the dimensions of GBV against women, factors affecting it, and ways to deal with it during the COVID-19 era, which had not been done before in the form of a scoping review.

Limitations

However, this study also had some limitations that one of them was the lack of access to the full-text of numerous studies, which was attempted to be accessed through correspondence with their authors on social networks. Another limitation of this study was not including studies such as proceeding papers, perspectives, commentaries, articles and grey literature in other languages. Also, the lack of quality assessment of the studies was another limitation of this research, which was not done because of different methodology of the included studies. Therefore, due to the lack of serious attention and almost ignoring the issue of gender-based violence against women in critical situations such as pandemics, it is suggested that researchers in different countries investigated effect of the recommended strategies to combat gender-based violence that can be used in future pandemics and crises.

The results showed that GBV against women accrues more in the form of verbal, emotional, psychological, physical, sexual, family, structural, economic, inheritance, online and dating, access to health, deprivation of liberty in community and personal life, femicide, and suicide. Various factors affected the occurrence of GBV against women during the COVID-19 era such as quarantine and social distancing, lack of access to social support, women’s employment in the private and informal sectors; gender inequality, economic problems, alcohol and substance abuse, the digital gap, no basic government regulations, etc. It is suggested that countries provide sufficient ICT infrastructure, comprehensive policies and planning, economic support, social support by collaboration between national and international organizations, and healthcare supporting to manage incidence of GBV against women in future pandemics. The consequences of GBV for its victims are long-lasting and rampant for responses that are often inadequate. Hence, it is important to maintain urgency in cases of GBV even in critical situations. Based on the results of the reviews, the need for a comprehensive response model to address the issue of gender-based violence during current and possible future pandemics is essential. The opinions of health professionals, formal and informal media, and community efforts must be combined to effectively address the issue of gender-based violence. Additionally, continued and serious efforts are needed to end the stigma associated with gender-based violence.

Electronic supplementary material

Below is the link to the electronic supplementary material.

Acknowledgements

The authors thank collaboration the Clinical Research Development Unit, Kowsar Hospital, Sanandaj, Iran.

Author contributions

A.O, M.Z, N.S and M.A.R to the acquisition of data, analysis, and interpretation of data, and drafting of the article. M.A.R, M.Z. A.O and N.S. contributed to the interpretation of data. A.O, M.Z. N.S., and M.A.R contributed to the conception and design of the study, analysis and interpretation of data, and revising the article. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.

There was no funding.

Data Availability

Declarations.

Not applicable.

No competing interests.

Publisher’s Note

Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

Violence against women must stop; five stories of strength and survival

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Conflicts, humanitarian crises and increasing climate-related disasters have led to higher levels of violence against women and girls (VAWG), which has only intensified during the COVID-19 pandemic, bringing into sharp focus the urgent need to stem the scourge.

Globally, nearly one-in-three women have experienced violence, with crises driving the numbers even higher.

Gender-based violence (GBV), the most pervasive violation of human rights, is neither natural, nor inevitable, and must be prevented.

Marking the 16 Days of Activism to combat violence against women and girls, UN Women is showcasing the voices of five survivors, each of whose names has been changed to protect their identity. Be forewarned that each character sketch includes descriptions of gender-based violence.

‘Convinced’ she would be killed

From the Argentine province of Chaco, 48-year-old mother of seven, Diana suffered for 28 years before finally deciding to separate from her abusive partner.

“I wasn't afraid that he would beat me, I was convinced that he would kill me,” she said.

At first, she hesitated to file a police complaint for fear of how he might react, but as she learned more about the services provided by a local shelter, she realized that she could escape her tormentor. She also decided to press charges.

Living with an abusive father, her children also suffered psychological stress and economic hardship.

Leaving was not easy, but with the support of a social workers, a local shelter and a safe space to recover, Diana got a job as an administrative assistant in a municipal office.

Accelerate gender equality

• Violence against women and girls is preventable.
• Comprehensive strategies are needed to tackle root causes, transform harmful social norms, provide services for survivors and end impunity.
• Evidence shows that strong, autonomous women’s rights movements are critical to thwarting and eliminating VAWG.
• The  Generation Equality Forum  needs support to stem the VAWG violence.

“I admit that it was difficult, but with the [mental health] support, legal aid and skills training, I healed a lot,” she explained.

Essential services for survivors of domestic violence are a lifeline.

“I no longer feel like a prisoner, cornered, or betrayed. There are so many things one goes through as a victim, including the psychological [persecution] but now I know that I can accomplish whatever I set my mind to”.

Diana is among 199 women survivors housed at a shelter affiliated with the Inter-American Shelter Network, supported by UN Women through the  Spotlight Initiative  in Latin America. The shelter has also provided psychosocial support and legal assistance to more than 1,057 women since 2017.

Diana’s full story is  here .

Survivor now ‘excited about what lies ahead’

Meanwhile, as the COVID-19 pandemic swept through Bangladesh, triggering a VAWG surge, many shelters and essential services shut down

Romela had been married to a cruel, torturous man.

“When I was pregnant, he punched me so hard I ended up losing my baby...I wanted to end my life”, she said.

She finally escaped when her brother took her to the  Tarango  women’s shelter, which in partnership with UN Women, was able to expand its integrated programme to provide safe temporary accommodations, legal and medical services, and vocational training to abused women who were looking for a fresh start.

Living in an abusive relationship often erodes women’s choices, self-esteem and potential. Romela had found a place where she could live safely with her 4-year-old daughter.

Opening a new chapter in her life, she reflected, “other people always told me how to dress, where to go, and how to live my life. Now, I know these choices rest in my hands”.

 “ I feel confident, my life is more enjoyable ,” said the emancipated woman.

Tarango  houses 30–35 survivors at any given time and delivers 24/7 services that help them recover from trauma, regain their dignity, learn new skills, and get job placement and a two-month cash grant to build their economic resilience.

“Our job is to make women feel safe and empowered, and to treat them with the utmost respect and empathy,” said Programme Coordinator Nazlee Nipa.

Click  here  for more on her story.

Uphill battle with in-laws

Goretti returned to western Kenya in 2001 to bury her husband and, as dictated by local culture, remained in the family’s homestead.

“But they wouldn’t give me food. Everything I came with from Nairobi – clothes, household items – was taken from me and divided between the family,” she recounted.

For nearly 20 years after her husband’s death, Goretti was trapped in a life of abuse until her in-laws they beat her so badly that she was hospitalized and unable to work.

Afraid to go to law enforcement, Goretti instead reached out to a local human rights defender, who helped her get medical attention and report the case to the local authorities.

They wouldn’t give me food. Everything...was taken from me and divided between the family – Survivor

However, she quickly discovered that her in-laws had already forged with the police an agreement in her name to withdraw the case.

“But I cannot even write”, Goretti said.

Human rights defenders in Kenya are often the first responders to violations, including GBV. Since 2019, UN Women and the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights ( OHCHR ) have been supporting grass-roots organizations that provide legal training and capacity-building to better assist survivors.

In addition to reporting the issue to local police and the courts, human rights defender Caren Omanga, who was trained by one of these organizations, also contacted the local elders.

“I was almost arrested when confronting the officer-in-charge”, Ms. Omanga explained. But knowing that the community would be against Goretti, she started “the alternative dispute-resolution process, while pushing the case to court”.

Finally, with her case settled out of court, Goretti received an agreement granting her the property and land title that she had lost in her marriage dowry, and the perpetrators were forced to pay fines to avoid prison.

“It is like beginning a new life after 20 years, and my son is feeling more secure… I’m thinking of planting some trees to safeguard the plot and building a poultry house”, she said.

Read Goretti’s story in its entirety  here.

Raising consciousness

In Moldova, sexual harassment and violence are taboo topics and, fearing blame or stigmatization, victims rarely report incidents.

At age 14, Milena was raped by her boyfriend in Chisinau. She was unaware that her violation was a sexual assault and continued to see her abuser for another six months before breaking up. Then she tried to forget it.

“This memory was blocked, as if nothing happened”, until two years later, upon seeing an Instagram video that triggered flashbacks of her own assault, she said.

Almost one-in-five men in Moldova have sexually abused a girl or a woman, including in romantic relationships, according to  2019 research  co-published by UN Women.

Determined to understand what had happened to her, Milena learned more about sexual harassment and abuse, and later began raising awareness in her community.

Last year, she joined a UN Women youth mentorship programme, where she was trained on gender equality and human rights and learned to identify abuse and challenge sexist comments and harassment.

Milena went on to develop a self-help guide for sexual violence survivors , which, informed by survivors aged 12 – 21, offers practical guidance to seek help, report abuse, and access trauma recovery resources.

Against the backdrop of cultural victim-blaming, which prevents those who need it from getting help, the mentoring programme focuses on feminist values and diversity, and addresses the root causes of the gender inequalities and stereotypes that perpetuate GBV and discrimination.

“The programme has shown that youth activism and engagement is key to eliminating gender inequalities in our societies”, explained Dominika Stojanoska, UN Women Country Representative in Moldova.

Read more about Milena  here .

Support survivors, break the cycle of violence

A 2019 national survey revealed that only three-out-of-100 sexual violence survivors in Morocco report incidents to the police as they fear being shamed or blamed and lack trust in the justice system.

Layla began a relationship with the head of a company she worked for. He told her he loved her, and she trusted him.

“But he hit me whenever I disagreed with him. I endured everything, from sexual violence to emotional abuse…he made me believe that I stood no chance against him”, she said.

Pregnant, unmarried and lonely, Layla finally went to the police.

To her great relief, a female police officer met her, and said that there was a solution.

“I will never forget that. It has become my motto in life. Her words encouraged me to tell her the whole story. She listened to me with great care and attention”, continued Layla.   

She was referred to a local shelter for single mothers where she got a second chance.

Two years ago, she gave birth to a daughter, and more recently completed her Bachelor’s Degree in mathematics.

“I was studying while taking care of my baby at the single mother’s shelter”, she said, holding her daughter’s hand. 

UN Women maintains that building trust and confidence in the police is an integral part of crime prevention and community safety.

When professionally trained police handle GBV cases, survivors are more likely to report abuse and seek justice, health and psychosocial  services  that help break the cycle of violence while sending a clear message that it is a punishable crime.

Over the past few years, the General Directorate of National Security, supported by UN Women, has restructured the national police force to better support women survivors and prevent VAWG.

Today, all 440 district police stations have dedicated personnel who refer women survivors to the nearest specialized unit.

“It takes a lot of determination and courage for women to ask the police for support”, said Saliha Najeh, Police Chief at Casablanca Police Unit for Women Victims of Violence, who, after specialized training through the UN Women programme, now trains her police officers to use a survivor-centred approach in GBV cases.  

As of 2021, 30 senior police officers and heads of units have been trained through the programme.

“Our role is to give survivors all the time they need to feel safe and comfortable, and for them to trust us enough to tell their story”, she said.

Prompted by the COVID-19 pandemic, Morocco has also expanded channels for survivors to report and access justice remotely through a 24-hour toll-free helpline, an electronic complaints mechanism, and online court sessions.

Click  here  for the full story.

These stories were originally published by UN Women.

• violence against women
• gender-based violence

Push forward: 10 ways to end violence against women

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Violence against women and girls remains the most pervasive human rights violation in the world, affecting more than 1 in 3 women—a figure that has remained largely unchanged over the last decade.

Global emergencies, crises and conflict have further intensified violence against women and girls and exacerbated the drivers and risk factors. Climate change is aggravating all types of gender-based violence against women and girls, an already visible pattern that will undoubtedly grow more extreme as the crisis worsens. Rapidly expanding digitalization is increasing online violence against women and girls, compounding existing forms of violence and leading to the emergence of new ones. At the same time, there has been a rise in anti-rights movements and anti-feminist groups, driving an expansion of regressive laws and policies, a backlash against women’s rights organizations and a spike in attacks against women human rights defenders and activists.

In this context, ending violence against women might seem unimaginable, but it isn’t. Large-scale reductions in violence against women can be achieved through feminist activism and advocacy coupled with coordinated action across justice, health, financial and other sectors . Recent evidence suggests that strong and autonomous feminist movements are the most critical factor in driving change .

Ending violence against women is everyone’s business. This 16 Days, show your solidarity with feminist movements and advocates around the world. Whether you’re a seasoned activist or just getting started, here are ten ways you can act now to end violence against women and girls:

1. Speak up, speak out

Violence against women is pervasive, but it’s not inevitable—unless we stay silent. In the face of rising anti-feminist movements, it’s more crucial than ever that we speak up and out.

Taboos around gender-based violence provide perpetrators with impunity and prevent women and girls from getting the help they need: less than 40 per cent of women who experience violence seek help of any sort.

Let survivors and activists know you stand with them. Amplify their voices and stories. Create spaces for dialogue, both in person and online.

Not sure where to start? Share some of the activist stories from our editorial package , and check out our social media package for more shareable assets. Or use #OrangeTheWorld, #16Days and #PushForward to start your own conversation about gender-based violence.

2. Know the issue—and the signs

Violence against women takes many forms. It can be physical, sexual or emotional. It can be public or private, online or off, perpetrated by a stranger or an intimate partner. Regardless of how, where, or why it happens, it has serious short- and long-term consequences for women and girls and serves to prevent their full and equal participation in society.

Know what to look for by familiarizing yourself with the different kinds of violence: https://www.unwomen.org/en/what-we-do/ending-violence-against-women/faqs/types-of-violence

If you think someone in your life might be suffering from abuse, there are common signs you can look for. Learn more about what abuse looks like, and how you can help: https://www.unwomen.org/en/what-we-do/ending-violence-against-women/faqs/signs-of-abuse

3. Call out sexual harassment

For many women, sexual harassment is a daily experience. Whether it’s online, on the street or in the workplace, brushing off inappropriate behavior serves to further normalize it.

Common forms of harassment like online bullying, catcalling, sexual comments and sexual jokes serve to make women and girls feel unwelcome and unsafe in public spaces. They help to reinforce biases and stereotypes that perpetuate misogyny. And they contribute to a culture of impunity, in which women can be harmed without consequence.

Create a safer environment for everyone online and offline by challenging your peers to reflect on their own behaviour and speaking up when someone crosses the line, or by enlisting the help of others if you don’t feel safe.

For more on why it’s important to report online harassment and violence against women, check out this interview with digital rights activist Marwa Azelmat:  https://www.unwomen.org/en/news-stories/feature-story/2022/11/pushing-forward-preventing-violence-against-women-in-online-spaces

4. Challenge beliefs on masculinity

Toxic masculinity drives violence against women.

Evidence shows that women in relationships with men whose beliefs and behaviours reinforce male dominance and gender inequality are more likely to experience intimate partner violence.

Traditional concepts of masculinity tend to emphasize traits like aggression, strength and control—while disparaging sensitivity, empathy, vulnerability and other traits traditionally associated with femininity.

When we fail to challenge these beliefs, everyone loses. Reflect on your own ideas about masculinity and femininity, and think critically about depictions of gender in media and culture. Support the men and boys in your life to embrace caretaking, emotional expression and other traditionally non-masculine traits.

5. Fund women’s organizations

Investing in women’s movements matters.

Evidence shows that a strong and autonomous feminist movement is the most crucial factor in driving policy change on gender-based violence. But women’s rights organizations, key drivers of feminist mobilization, are increasingly being defunded, sidelined and silenced in decision-making spaces.

Increasing long-term funding to women’s rights organizations is key to finding effective solutions to prevent and respond to violence against women.

Donate to local organizations that empower women, support survivors and promote actions and policies designed to reduce and prevent violence.

UN Women works with women’s organizations around the world to end violence against women and secure equal rights for women and girls. Donate here: https://donate.unwomen.org/en .

6. Call for better responses and services

Services for women and girls experiencing violence can be the difference between life and death.

This means that shelters, hotlines, counseling and all support for survivors of gender-based violence need to be available for those in need, even during crises and emergencies.

Every year, the 16 Days of Activism campaign calls for united, global action to end all forms of violence against women and girls.

Join us in calling on governments to bridge funding gaps to address violence against women and girls, ensure essential services for survivors of violence are maintained during crisis and conflict, implement prevention measures, and invest in adapting and improving life-saving services for women and girls in diverse contexts.

Get more involved by volunteering at a local women’s shelter, donating clothes or supplies, or training to become a crisis counselor.

7. Demand more data

To effectively combat gender-based violence, we need to understand the issue. 

Relevant data collection is key to implementing successful prevention measures and providing survivors with the right support. And yet the collection of sex-disaggregated and other crucial gender data remains a low priority for governments.

As gender-based violence has spiked due to COVID-19, climate change and other crises, the gaps in gender sensitive data collection have become more glaring than ever. Call on your government to invest in the collection of data on gender-based violence.

8. Push for stronger laws

We are still 21 years away from comprehensive laws banning violence against women to be in place globally.

The world needs stronger protection mechanisms to prevent and eliminate violence, harassment, threats, intimidation, and discrimination against women human rights defenders and women’s rights advocates and activists.

Find out about the laws in your country: https://evaw-global-database.unwomen.org/en . Call on your government to strengthen legal frameworks, and help raise awareness about the gaps. Start or join a protest, support a legal advocacy group, and educate yourself on the stances of political candidates and representatives.

9. Support women’s leadership

During COVID-19, women were vastly underrepresented on recovery task forces—a disparity reflected in the insufficiency of government responses to gender-specific issues like heightened domestic violence.

The same is true for climate action, peacebuilding, and a whole host of other issues: when women aren’t at the table, their voices aren’t being heard. That makes it all too easy for decision-making bodies to overlook crucial gaps in policies and financing.

Women’s representation in decision-making spaces helps to ensure that the needs of women and girls are front and center—in crisis responses, humanitarian and peace agreements and policies of all kind. At the same time, women leaders face heightened risk of violence: across 5 regions, 82 per cent of women parliamentarians reported experiencing some form of psychological violence during their terms. 

Call for women’s increased representation in leadership, and for heightened protections for women in positions of power. Support women political candidates and women-led organizations and companies. Or take matters into your own hands—become the woman leader you want to see in the world.

10. Build solidarity with other movements

We’re stronger when we work together.

Violence against women and girls is inherently connected to other forms of harm and injustice, including racism, homophobia, xenophobia, ableism, poverty, and climate change.

Strengthen the fight against gender-based violence by getting involved in other social and political movements, and getting activists from those movements involved in yours.

Together, we can resist the rollback on women’s rights, amplify the demands of feminist movements across the world and push forward to end violence against women and girls once and for all.

• Anti-violence interventions
• Domestic violence/interpersonal violence
• Political violence
• Ending violence against women and girls

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Gender-based violence (GBV) is a serious historical and global problem that has been described by the United Nations Children Emergency Fund (UNICEF) as “the most pervasive yet least visible human rights violation in the world.”

It is a social issue that cuts across all people of all groups and one that is prevalent in all levels of social and economic standing in human society. 

Effectively, we cannot end extreme poverty or achieve the United Nations’ Global Goals if GBV remains such a prominent challenge.

What is gender-based violence?

GBV is defined by the UN as an umbrella term “for any harmful act that is perpetrated against a person’s will and that is based on socially ascribed (gender) differences between females and males.” 

In other words, GBV is usually characterized by physical, sexual, mental, or economic harm forced on a person, usually a woman or girl , and includes sexual harrasment and violence, female genital mutilation, child marriage, psychological abuse, and controlling behaviors.

It goes against gender equality for women and girls but rather encourages income inequality and significantly holds back the global fight to reduce poverty and achieve the UN’s Global Goals.

4 key facts you should know about gender-based violence

• Globally, 1 in 3 women have been beaten, coerced into sex, or abused in some other way — usually by someone they know. 
• Around 641 million women worldwide have experienced at least one incidence of physical and sexual violence from a romantic partner.
• As many as 38% of murders of women globally are committed by their intimate partners.
• In some countries, the World Bank estimates that violence against women can a cost up to 3.7% of the countries GDP in lost productivity — thus impacting the capacities of many families to earn.

How many people are affected by GBV? 

The numbers are staggering: 200 million women have experienced female genital mutilation; while 33% - 51% of women and girls aged 15-49 in Oceania, Southern Asia, and sub-Saharan Africa have experienced some form of violence from an intimate partner. 

According to the World Health Organization (WHO) , “an estimated 37% of women living in the poorest countries have experienced physical and/or sexual intimate partner violence in their life, with some of these countries having a prevalence as high as 1 in 2.”

The COVID-19 pandemic has also made the situation worse by further highlighting inequalities and increasing women’s exposure to violence. 

“Violence against women is endemic in every country and culture, causing harm to millions of women and their families, and has been exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic,” said Dr. Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, WHO Director-General, in March.

Who is most affected by GBV and why?

Women living in low- and lower-middle-income countries are disproportionately affected by this issue, but other factors that encourage GBV can include cultural norms , lower levels of education , low levels of gender equality, and harmful masculine behaviors . 

GBV can also limit women’s capacity to work, cause them to suffer social isolation, loss of wages, and limited ability to care for themselves and their children.

Although, gender-based violence disproportionately affects women and girls , it is not exclusive; LGBTQ+ communities, particularly people who are trans, and other communities,  are also affected by GBV. 

How does GBV impact the mission to end extreme poverty?

Ending GBV has been linked to better health for women and children, increased economic activity and inclusion, and helps the world get closer to achieving the UN’s Global Goals to end extreme poverty and its systemic causes. 

Studies have also shown that programs and policies that help reduce GBV can further the World Bank’s twin goals of eliminating extreme poverty and boosting shared prosperity.

Who are the key players tackling GBV? 

In every country, region, and community across the world there are many organizations and individuals working to put an end to gender-based violence. 

Since adopting the Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women in 1993, the UN has adopted several GBV-related resolutions and has notably campaigned to end violence against women through the Global Goals, specifically Global Goal 5 which advocates for gender equality.  

Sister UN agencies such as UN Women, the United Nations Populations Fund (UNFPA), and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP); and other world bodies like WHO and World Bank have created international guidelines and best practices all targeted towards ending GBV. 

What action can we take against GBV? 

You can join Global Citizen to take action by learning more about GBV and how it’s on the rise during COVID-19, here . You can then sign our petition here , calling on world leaders to fulfill the promises of the Beijing Declaration and drive forward progress on gender equality, and ensure that women can live lives free of violence.

Governments and institutions can also encourage diversity and inclusion of women in positions of power, as well as implement policies and programs that tackle GBV at source — the perpetrators.

Community leaders, influencers, and religious leaders can also educate their audiences and help address societal and cultural norms that encourage gender-based violence. Action against gender-based violence must be collective, decisive, and inclusive on a global scale if we are to get closer to a more equal world. 

WHO’s Dr. Tedros sums it up well : “Unlike COVID-19, violence against women cannot be stopped with a vaccine. We can only fight it with deep-rooted and sustained efforts — by governments, communities, and individuals — to change harmful attitudes, improve access to opportunities and services for women and girls, and foster healthy and mutually respectful relationships.”

Global Citizen Explains

Demand Equity

Gender-Based Violence: Everything to Know

March 31, 2021

What is gender-based violence – and how do we prevent it?

Gender-based violence (GBV)  is present in every society around the world and takes many forms. We have a moral imperative to stop all forms of violence against women and girls.

In crisis, whether conflict or natural disaster, the risk of GBV increases, and so does our collective need to act to prevent GBV before it happens or respond to the needs of women and girls when it does.

The IRC has been working specifically to prevent and respond to GBV since 1996, meaning we have over 25 years of experience. 

Women and girls are disproportionately impacted by all forms of gender-based violence. Below, we consider why this happens, and what we can do to prevent it. 

What is gender-based violence? 

Gender-based violence (GBV) is an umbrella term for harmful acts of abuse perpetrated against a person’s will and rooted in a system of unequal power between women and men. This is true for both conflict-affected and non-conflict settings.

The UN defines violence against women as, ‘any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life.

Over one-third of women and girls globally will experience some form of violence in their lifetime . However, this rate is higher in emergencies, conflict, and crisis, where vulnerability and risks are increased and most often family, community, and legal protections have broken down.

Harm caused by GBV comes in a variety of visible and invisible forms—it also includes the threat of violence. 

GBV can manifest in a variety of ways. Some of these include: physical violence, such as assault or slavery; emotional or psychological violence, such as verbal abuse or confinement; sexual abuse, including rape; harmful practices, like child marriage and female genital mutilation; socio-economic violence, which includes denial of resources; and sexual harassment, exploitation and abuse.

What is Intimate Partner Violence (IPV)?

Intimate Partner Violence (IPV), or ‘domestic violence’ is an all-too-common form of violence against women and girls. It refers to any behavior from a current or previous partner that causes harm—including physical aggression, sexual coercion, psychological abuse and controlling behaviors.

Globally, the UN reports  that one in four women have been subjected to physical and/or sexual violence by an intimate partner at least once in their lifetime, and IRC research has shown that it is the most common form of violence against women and girls in humanitarian contexts.

Who is most at risk?

Gender-based violence can happen to anyone. However, it disproportionately affects women and girls. Those in crisis settings are at a double disadvantage due to their gender and their situation.

Women and girls from other diverse and marginalized communities face an even greater risk where gender inequality intersects with other forms of oppression.

Those at higher risk include:

• Women and girls living with disabilities
• Young and adolescent girls
• Older women
• People who identify as LGBTQ+
• Women of ethnic minorities
• Refugees and migrants

While we reference these different identities separately, each person holds multiple identities at once. For example, a woman who lives with a disability might also be an older refugee. 

This is why it’s important to understand the concept of intersectionality — that a person faces different kinds of discrimination and risks due to a combination of their identities like gender, race, religion, age.

It is crucial to understand intersectionality when working to determine and provide prevention and response services. For instance, research has found that adolescent girls living in displacement are particularly at risk  of being overlooked in emergency settings, where they may fall between the cracks of child protection services and those aimed at adult women.

What causes gender-based violence in crisis settings?

Gender inequality, and the norms and beliefs that violence against women and girls is acceptable, cause gender-based violence. There are also many factors that increase the risk of GBV, with women and girls living through crises experiencing an increase in both the frequency and severity of GBV.

This is because the same conditions that contribute to conflict and forced displacement also accelerate GBV. These include:

Research from What Works found that when families are pushed into poverty, harmful practices like child marriages increase . Young girls may be pulled out of education for marriage, to help with domestic tasks or to generate an income. Unemployment and economic distress in the household can increase instances of IPV, as well. 

2. Breakdown of services

A collapse of community structure and the rule of law means women can find themselves without social support and protection systems in violent situations. It can also result in women and girls traveling great distances in search of food, water or fuel, further increasing risk of sexual harassment and assault.

3. Conflict and war

Rising numbers of conflicts globally are driving an increase in conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV). Without the rule of law, CRSV is often carried out with impunity. Armed forces may use rape as a weapon of war. Other forms of CRSV include sexual slavery, forced prostitution, forced pregnancy, forced abortion, enforced sterilization, forced marriage and other forms of sexual violence. 

4. Displacement

Women living in refugee camps and other temporary accommodation can face safety issues that put them at greater risk. This can include having no locks on bathroom doors, joint male and female facilities, and inadequate lighting.

Women living as refugees may have to find new livelihoods, which can lead to an increased risk of exploitation. 

Displaced women and girls in emergencies are often less visible . They’re not always included in national surveys or reports, which means their needs go unmet. 

5. Stress in the home

Intimate partner violence is the most common form of violence women experience in humanitarian settings. IRC research suggests that IPV and child maltreatment and abuse occur more frequently when families experience an inability to meet their basic needs, alcohol and substance abuse and inconsistent income.

Effects of gender-based violence

Violence has a long lasting effect on survivors and their families. Impacts can range from physical harm to long-term emotional distress to fatalities . Rape and sexual assault can result in unwanted pregnancies, complications during pregnancy and birth, and sexually transmitted infections, including HIV.

Social and economic fallout from GBV can lead to a loss of livelihood and increased gender inequalities in the long term. Reporting or seeking services for GBV can lead to further threats of violence, social stigma and ostracization. GBV is also a key barrier to women and girls accessing other lifesaving services, such as food, shelter and healthcare. 

Crises are not short-term occurrences . Climate-related disasters can create recurrent crises and many women and girls who are forcibly displaced can end up living in temporary accommodation for years. 

This exposes women and girls to GBV for longer and can draw out and compound the effects of that violence for decades, hampering long-term resilience and empowerment.

Preventing gender-based violence

While GBV continues to be a huge risk that women and girls face daily, there are ways to prevent it. Some of these include:

• Keeping girls in school
• Empowering women economically
• Using feminist approaches to tackle gender inequality, including in the home
• Providing women and girls with safe spaces
• Giving women cash support
• Engaging male allies
• Including women in decision-making at leadership level
• Supporting local women-led and women's rights organizations

Comprehensive GBV services need to be established quickly in times of crisis to protect women and girls and reduce their exposure to violence, while increasing their chances of recovery and resilience.

Humanitarian organizations should bring a feminist approach to programming , that takes into account the unequal power balance between genders when designing support and interventions for crisis-affected populations. 

Yet, despite knowing the scope of the problem, the serious and at times fatal effects of GBV, and that we can prevent and respond to it, GBV is still not prioritized with enough urgency during humanitarian responses. In 2021,  just 28% of GBV funding requirements were met , the lowest proportion reported over the previous four years and down from 32% in 2020.

The IRC response

The IRC prioritizes the needs of women and girls across its programming. We work to support the resilience and dignity of women and girls exposed to violence in crisis settings in over 50 countries worldwide. 

The IRC delivers essential healthcare, GBV case management and psychosocial support to survivors, including through safe spaces and outreach teams. In 2022, we provided 177,404 women and girls with psychosocial support and registered 43,817 GBV survivors for case management, ensuring that they receive necessary emotional, medical, psychosocial and other support services throughout their recovery journey.

Donate now to support our work.

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Gender Matters

• What causes gender-based violence?

The main cause of the violence is the perpetrator him or herself: it is very important to keep in mind that a person who has been affected by gender-based violence is never responsible for the perpetrator’s actions .

There is no single factor that can explain gender-based violence in our societies, but rather a myriad of factors contribute to it, and the interplay of these factors lies at the root of the problem .  

Four types of factors can be identified

Cultural factors.

Patriarchal and sexist views legitimise violence to ensure the dominance and superiority of men. Other cultural factors include gender stereotypes and prejudice , normative expectations of femininity and masculinity , the socialization of gender , an understanding of the family sphere as private and under male authority , and a general acceptance of violence as part of the public sphere (e.g. street sexual harassment of women), and/or as an acceptable means to solve conflict and assert oneself.

Religious and historical traditions have sanctioned the physical punishment of women under the notion of entitlement and ownership of women. The concept of ownership, in turn, legitimises control over women’s sexuality, which, according to many legal codes, has been deemed essential to ensure patrilineal inheritance .

Sexuality is also tied to the concept of so-called family honour in many societies. Traditional norms in these societies allow the killing of women suspected of defiling the honour of the family by indulging in forbidden sex or marrying and divorcing without the consent of the family. Norms around sexuality also help to account for the high numbers of homeless LGBT+ young people , and for the prevalence of hate crimes against them, on the grounds that they are considered a “threat” to societal norms. The same norms around sexuality can help to account for the mass rape of women .  

Legal factors

Being a victim of gender-based violence is perceived in many societies as shameful and weak, with many women still being considered guilty of attracting violence against themselves through their behaviour. This partly accounts for enduring low levels of reporting and investigation .

Until recently, the law in some countries still differentiated between the public and private spaces, which left women particularly vulnerable to domestic violence .

The Istanbul Convention ensures the right for everyone, particularly women, to live free from violence in both the public and the private spheres . While most forms of gender-based violence are criminalised in most European countries, the practices of law enforcement in many cases favour the perpetrators, which helps to account for low levels of trust in public authorities and for the fact that most of these crimes go unreported.

The decriminalisation of homosexuality is still very recent in many societies. While progress has been achieved in many states by adopting equal marriage , this has sometimes led to a backlash , for example by strengthening opinions holding the traditional family to be the union between a man and a woman, or where countries have adopted laws that forbid “homosexual propaganda”.  

Economic factors

The lack of economic resources generally makes women, but also LGBT+ people particularly vulnerable to violence. It creates patterns of violence and poverty that become self-perpetuating, making it extremely difficult for the victims to extricate themselves. When unemployment and poverty affect men, this can also cause them to assert their masculinity through violent means.  

Political factors

• Types of gender-based violence
• Exploring gender and gender identity
• Gender-based violence and human rights
• Youth work and youth policy responses

Chapter 1: Gender identity, gender-based violence and human rights

Gender Matters, a manual on addressing gender-based violence affecting young people

• Open access
• Published: 30 November 2022

Men’s conceptualization of gender-based violence directed to women in Alexandra Township, Johannesburg, South Africa

• Kudakwashe Gracious Zinyemba 1 &
• Khumbulani Hlongwana 1 , 2  

BMC Public Health volume  22 , Article number:  2235 ( 2022 ) Cite this article

21k Accesses

6 Citations

Metrics details

Gender-based violence (GBV) is a crucial global public health challenge disenfranchising women and girls from enjoying their fundamental human rights, thereby threatening their well-being. While the concept of GBV does not imply that violence is always unidirectional, literature shows that women and girls are the most common victims of this type of violence. One in three women, globally, have suffered physical or sexual violence by an intimate partner or non-partner. Evidence has shown that a number of women who experience GBV varies widely, with 37% being in Eastern Mediterranean, 37.7% in South-East Asia, 29.8% in America, 36.6% in Africa, 44% in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) and 53% in South Africa.

Using a semi-structured face-to-face interview with fifteen conveniently sampled adult males, who met the selection criteria, this study explored men’s conceptualisation of GBV in Alexandra Township, using qualitative research methods.

Socio-economic factors and evolving cultural dynamics were perceived to be among the key factors aggravating gender-based violence. Participants viewed poverty and substance abuse as the main causes of violence towards women, a phenomenon tied to the growing frustration emanating from men’s inability to provide for their families. Cultural factors related to the patriarchal system and diminishing value of respect between men and women were identified as root causes of GBV. The participants also blamed the government for what they considered to be “too many rights” for women, resulting in men exerting their authority through abuse. Participants also expressed concerns over feminisation of GBV, asserting that men fall prey to GBV too. Partner infidelity and insecurities also contributed to GBV.

The study results provided important insights on how men conceptualize GBV in Alexandra Township, South Africa. These results revealed that socio-economic conditions, alongside some gender stereotypes are pervasive and shape how men view GBV in Alexandra Township. This evidence is necessary for developing interventions aimed at curbing GBV and may also be suggestive of the need to redesign programmes targeting men, so that certain stereotypes can be uprooted.

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Gender-based violence (GBV) is an important global public health challenge, which is deeply rooted in gender disparity and violation of human rights in all communities [ 1 ]. GBV affects fundamental human rights, thereby threatening the well-being of women and girls, worldwide [ 2 ]. While the concept of GBV does not imply that violence is always unidirectional, literature shows that women and girls are the most common victims of this type of violence [ 3 , 4 , 5 ]. GBV and violence against women and girls (VAWG) are terms that are often used interchangeably, with both frequently pointing at men as prime offenders and women and girls, as the victims [ 6 ]. Intimate partner violence (IPV) is the most common form of GBV, which includes physical or sexual abuse by an intimate partner or spouse [ 7 ]. However, the use of the term ‘gender-based’ has noteworthy implications, as it shows that various types of the VAWG are rooted in patriarchal gender norms and inequitable gender power [ 8 ].

The World Health Organisation (WHO), in collaboration with the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine (LSHTM) and the South African Medical Research Council (SAMRC), analysed the secondary data from more than 80 countries, the results of which showed that 1 in 3 women, globally, have suffered physical or sexual violence by an intimate partner or non-partner sexual violence [ 9 ]. Evidence from the various regions has shown that a number of women who experience GBV varies widely, with 37% being in Eastern Mediterranean, 37.7% in South-East Asia, 29.8% in America, 36.6% in Africa, 44% in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) and 53% in South Africa (SA) [ 10 , 11 ].

Despite the worrying statistics of GBV, globally, the United Nations’ (UN) goal 5 of the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) sets an ambitious target of eradicating all forms of detrimental practices and VAWG by 2030 [ 12 ]. Approximately, 11.4 million women and girls are trafficked, globally, with more than 30% of women having experienced either physical violence, sexual violence or both [ 13 ]. According to Kusuma & Babu [ 14 ], at least 38.6% of all homicides recorded, globally, are likely to be perpetuated by intimate partners. In 2012, approximately 437 000 intentional homicide deaths were recorded, worldwide, with 95% of individuals convicted for the homicide being males [ 15 ]. Globally, at least 38% of women experience violence perpetrated by intimate partners [ 16 ].

In 2011, a dedicated population study on GBV directed to women was conducted in Gauteng province, South Africa, the results of which showed that 37.7% of women ever experienced physical or sexual intimate partner violence, 18.8% testified on sexual (IPV) and 46.2% experienced economic or emotional abuse from the sexual partner [ 17 ]. South Africa has a policy aimed at combating GBV, however evidence on its utility to address GBV, is scanty. According to the South Africa’s National Strategic Plan (NSP) on GBV and femicide, results from non-population-based studies are not generalisable to the country’s population [ 17 ]. Nevertheless, it is still of major concern that prevalence rates reported in other studies are constantly higher than 50%, with men invariably being leading perpetrators [ 17 ].

The 2017 Gauteng study revealed that only 1 in 23 women experiencing sexual abuse report to the police, and this is reflective of gross underreporting of sexual offences [ 18 ]. There is a reason to believe that the true reflection of sexual assaults is substantially higher than what is being reported to the police [ 19 ]. Of concern, is the fact that almost half (46%) of the victims of sexual assaults were children, suggesting that GBV is mainly perpetrated by those who are expected to provide protection [ 18 ]. The Report by an Independent Police Investigative Directorate (IPID) illustrated an increase in rape cases by police officers and a whopping 230% increase in sexual abuse cases perpetrated by teachers in the last 5 years [ 18 ]. In fact, the implication of police in sexual offences may be one of the contributors to gross underreporting of sexual crimes, as victims may not be convinced that police will act in their best interest.

Some factors that favour a great occurrence of gender-based violence are already mapped by other studies from a legal, socio-cultural, and socio-economic perspective. These factors include the payment of lobola, use of alcohol and drugs.

The legal and socio-cultural system works against the rights of women in that the patriarchal norms deny women the right to make decisions, thereby leaving women vulnerable to GBV [ 20 ]. Cultural practices, such as paying lobola (bride price), place men in a powerful position over women, often leaving women with little power in the marriage [ 21 ]. This assertion is supported by Chiweshe’s earlier study on Christian women’s experiences of IPV in Zimbabwe, which revealed that lobola had become the source of oppression and ultimately led to IPV [ 22 ]. The social norms associated with lobola, such as being submissive to the husband and sex as a conjugal right, has a silencing effect on women, forcing them to accept violence within marriages as they feel, by virtue of lobola payment, it is normal and should not be questioned [ 22 ].

There is a body of evidence suggesting that men feel some entitlement over their female partners once they have paid lobola. For example, a study conducted in Mpumalanga, Eastern Cape and Limpopo showed that 84% women interviewed agreed that as soon as he partakes in lobola payments, it is considered culturally appropriate for a man to physically abuse his wife, if she does something perceived to be immoral [ 23 ]. The practice that men have the right to abuse their women if they neglect household responsibilities or for infidelity, has been observed in other settings [ 24 , 25 , 26 ]. Omeje & Chikwedu [ 27 ] went on to say that women are not allowed to discuss their marital experiences with anyone, as these are regarded as family affairs, which should be resolved within their families. Regrettably, this arrangement further creates fertile ground for abuse to take place.

A cross-sectional study conducted among 1 568 male participants in four districts of Sri Lanka revealed that one-fourth of the participants considered sexual teasing harmless and a majority of the respondents were of the view that women deserve to be beaten at times, if they do not perform their supposedly primary responsibilities, such as taking care of the family and household [ 28 ]. The study further revealed men’s stereotyped view that a woman cannot decline sexual intercourse with her husband, and that she should make it her obligation to prevent falling pregnant. Various authors are in agreement in that inequitable power distribution across genders render women vulnerable to violence by men, in the name of discipline or maintenance of order in their home [ 29 , 30 , 31 ].

Alcohol and substance abuse also contribute to GBV, in that they directly affect the cognitive and physical function, leaving individuals less capable of negotiating non-violent ways to resolve disputes within relationships [ 32 ]. A study conducted in Cape Town, South Africa, found a strong association between violence and alcohol use, with heavy alcohol use leading to negative styles of resolving issues [ 33 ]. Furthermore, drinking with a girlfriend was found to increase the expectations of her agreeing to sexual activities, thereby resulting in the use of force in non-consensual circumstances [ 34 ]. These findings are consistent with Ngonga’s study linking alcohol consumption and IPV, with men often using alcohol as their excuse for perpetrating violence [ 32 ].

From Hidayat’s perspective in an Indonesian study, most men were concerned about the women’s attitudes, behaviours and responses, implying that they provoke men into committing GBV [ 32 ]. This perspective is supported by the results of a study conducted in South Africa, whereby one of the respondents believed that women wearing short skirts is a contributing factor to GBV [ 33 ]. Various participants linked men’s perpetration of GBV to women’s behaviours and clothing, regrettably sending a message that women should take the responsibility for the GBV and not men [ 33 , 34 ]. Societal expectations of masculinities to men’s perpetration of violence are a phenomenon of research importance; hence this study explored men’s conceptualisation of GBV. Given that fingers often point to men as perpetrators of GBV, it is important to explore how they conceptualize GBV, so that appropriate interventional strategies can be proposed.

GBV endangers the well-being of women, globally, adding to the burden of disease [ 35 ] and imposing strain on women’s physical and emotional well-being. GBV has negative outcomes for girls and women, including sexually transmitted diseases, unwanted pregnancies, induced miscarriages and forced abortions [ 35 , 36 , 37 ]. A survey conducted in South Africa, showed that women in abusive relationships were 48% more likely to be infected with HIV than their non-abused female counterparts [ 37 ]. The Tanzanian study revealed that abrasion and bleeding caused by forced sexual intercourse exacerbated HIV transmission [ 37 ]. Gender inequality, male manipulative behaviour and intimate partner violence threats limit women’s ability to negotiate for consistent condom use, refuse unwanted sex and the ultimate risks of HIV infection [ 38 ]. Women who experience GBV do not only engage in HIV risky behaviours, including unprotected sex [ 39 ], but are also hindered from engaging in women’s HIV care [ 40 , 41 ]. A systematic review and meta-analysis conducted by Hatcher and colleagues exploring the effects of IPV on antiretroviral (ART) use, showed that IPV was associated with lower ART uptake, lower adherence and lower chances of viral suppression [ 40 ], and these results are consistent with that of Leddy et al. [ 39 ] on the linkages between GBV, HIV and their effects on HIV care continuum.

Gender-based violence can have an intense and long-lasting effects on the survivor’s mental health, such as anxiety, increased peril of post-traumatic stress disorder and depression [ 42 ]. Rees et al. [ 43 ], confirmed that women exposed to GBV experience have high risk of mental disorders and suicidal behaviours. Nonetheless, Tsai [ 44 ] argued that there are ethical and methodological challenges in defining the chronological cycle of GBV and mental disorders. The author also revealed that it is not easy to conduct surveys inquiring on the mental health problems from the survivors or family members, because the abuse usually occurs within the confined family context [ 44 ].

A study conducted amongst students in Ethiopia confirmed that there was an association between GBV and mental health disorder, which often resulted in depression [ 45 ]. GBV is also associated with mood, anxiety and substance abuse [ 46 ]. A study conducted in rural KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa, on the correlation between GBV, psychosocial stress and self-esteem, revealed that the perpetrators also suffered from mental health, such as anxiety and depression, resulting from GBV perpetration [ 47 ]. The study also indicated that 60% of men were involved in psychologically abusing women, which affects the mental health of women [ 47 ].

The above shows that VAWG negatively affects the victims leading to unwanted pregnancies, greater propensity to be infected with HIV, low ART uptake, anxiety, and depression which adds to the burden of diseases.

GBV can be best understood through ecological theory as a methodological framework underpinning the study [ 32 ]. According to Heise’s ecological theory, nested, multilevel structural and normative systems cause multiple forms of violence against women [ 24 ]. Heise [ 24 ], further analysed the ecological theory as a framework made up of four stages of analysis, which are in the form of four interactive concentric circles referred to as systems of interactions, whereby each system is dependent on the environment of a particular person [ 33 ]. The four factors include individual, relationship, community and societal factors. This theory is useful for understanding the intricacies of gender-based violence, since it conceptualizes violence as a multifaceted phenomenon with various factors at play [ 34 ].Therefore, from the ecological perspective, there is no single factor that explains why some people are more violent than others, but the goal is to focus on the various ways through which gender-based violence manifests [ 48 ].

Study setting

The study was conducted in Alexandra Township, informally known as Alex, with locals often referring to it as Gomora. This Township is in Johannesburg, South Africa, the city known as the economic hub of the country. Alex is one of the poorest townships, predominantly made up of informal settlements in Johannesburg [ 49 , 50 ].

Study design

This study explored men’s conceptualisation of GBV in Alexandra Township, South Africa, using a simple exploratory qualitative design guided by the ecological framework.

Characteristics of participants

The participants in this study were males over the age of 18 years residing in Alexandra Township. These males excluded those that had received any form of training on GBV from the non-governmental organisations operating in the area. This was aimed at ensuring that the perspectives provided by the participants were original and not influenced by prior training/s or programmes on GBV. All participants voluntarily participated in the study after the study had been well explained to them and subsequently signed informed consent forms.

Participant selection

The participants were purposively selected using convenience sampling technique. The participants who met the selection criteria, easily accessible and available to be part of the study were selected. The recruitment took place in the public places, mainly on the streets near the participants’ property yards and the in-depth interviews were conducted in the participants’ preferred spaces, which consistently happened to be their property yards.

Data generation and analysis

Data were generated through semi-structured face-to-face interviews, using interview guide, which allowed for follow-ups, probes, and spontaneous questions. While the interviews were conducted in English; some participants mixed English with their home languages (IsiZulu, Ndebele, and Tsonga). Semi-structured in-depth interviews were considered most suitable, given the exploratory nature of the study, to conversationally elicit personal and controversial issues on the research subject [ 51 ].

All interviews were audio-recorded (with participants’ permission). The researcher transcribed the English audiotapes in verbatim, whereas a research assistant was recruited to assist with transcribing and translating audiotapes from IsiZulu into English. Field notes were written during the interviews to complement the audio materials.

The transcribed data was analysed using thematic data analysis. It is argued that thematic analysis is a method that can be used within a range of epistemologies and research questions to identify, analyse, organize, describe, and report themes discovered within a data set [ 52 ]. It is also useful in highlighting similarities, differences and generating anticipated insights when examining the participants’ perspectives and producing a clear report [ 52 ].

A codebook was developed after reading all transcripts, as part of familiarisation with the data, a necessary step to qualitative data analysis. Given a relatively small sample size [ 15 ], manual coding was possible. The coding process also assisted in making sense of the data and identify themes and sub-themes. The data was then analysed into themes and sub-themes using the epistemology theoretical approach. Epistemology clarifies how researchers acquire the truth or knowledge, as it is a theory of knowledge of what can be known, and the criteria used to justify it being knowable [ 53 ].

Ethical considerations

The study was approved by the Biomedical Research Ethics Committee (Ref. BREC/00001956/2020) of the University of KwaZulu-Natal. All potential participants were fully informed about the study prior to signing informed consent forms. Participation was strictly voluntary, informed consent was obtained from all the study participants, and the names used to reference their verbatim quotes are not real names, but pseudonyms.

The participants’ ranged from 24 to 49 years, with 27% being unemployed, while 40 and 33% were self-employed and employed, respectively (Table 1 ). More than half (53%) of the participants had high school level of education, and the remaining 47% had tertiary education. Almost half (47%) of the participants were single, with married and divorced participants constituting 40 and 13%, respectively (Table 1 ).

Five themes and six sub-themes emerged from the analysis (Table 2 ) and these varied from intrapersonal to broader societal and systemic issues.

Participants’ understanding of GBV complexities and directionality

There was a convergence of views among participants in that GBV is a huge problem, not only in Alexandra township, but in the whole of South Africa. Participants started sharing stories of the cases of GBV in their communities, some of which ending either in the arrest of offenders or even termination of relationships.

“The dangers of this [GBV] can be someone ending up being in jail, divorced or even murder, and suicide”- Mandla, 49-year-old unemployed divorced man.

Participants expressed that violence in Alexandra was complex and not only restricted to GBV, as xenophobic attacks were also pervasive.

“…Here it is a mixture [all kinds of violence] because you know Alex is well known for xenophobic attacks”-Mqhele, 29-year-old self-employed single man.

However, it was also pointed out that there are two-sides to these stories, meaning that GBV can emanate from either side.

“There are two sides. In those relationships people are not sustained by love for each other but there’s constant abuse. A woman is abusing a man and a man is abusing a woman”- Themba, 45-year-old self-employed married man.

Participants shared similar sentiments on their understanding of the magnitude of the GBV in South Africa, including what it means, as they used phrases, such as: “beating your partner or wife” (Thabo, Amo and Noah), “shouting” (Mpho), “smashing of belongings” (Mpho), “violation of rights” (Siya), “chopped-cut into pieces” (Qhawe) and “killing” (Themba and Langa) to describe the concept. None of the participants based their conceptualisation of GBV to their personal experiences, but they conceded that their sharing was from their personal observations.

A view that GBV should not be treated as a problem only for women permeated throughout the interviews, with a suggestion that some men are also being abused by women.

“…It is not a one-sided matter; it exists on both genders and women abuse men. I personally would like if men abuse can also be acknowledged as an issue that the men in the society are facing. Women should also be jailed because we witness women abusing men”- Themba, 45-year-old self-employed married man.

Participants were in agreement in viewing GBV as a deplorable act that makes men look like monsters, given the resultant loss of lives for of innocent children, thereby destroying families and hurting others.

“It hurts me because l am not happy seeing people we love being killed in this manner, what hurts me even more is when men are angry, they kill even the children”-Themba, 45-year-old self-employed married man. “I am very crossed, l feel bad about GBV because many families are destroyed. The father ends up being a monster killing his children and wife”-Langa, 46-year-old self-employed married man .

Interplay between socio-economic issues and GBV

Poverty, unemployment and gbv.

Participants identified poor living conditions evident through acoustically weak and congested housing structures as something that makes it impossible for them not to notice when GBV is happening in their neighbours. Others contended that they have observed GBV happening within their communities in Alexandra, as supported by the following statement:

“The living arrangement like our shacks are in close proximity to each other, so it just makes it almost impossible for me not to hear the upsets of my neighbours because as you know when there is violence people scream sometimes”-Mpho, 30-year-old unemployed single man.

Participants identified poverty and unemployment as intricately linked to the occurrence of GBV in Alexandra, with men arguably resorting to GBV due to frustrations related to their inability to provide for their families. For example, men get frustrated and physically abusive if women ask for basic needs that they cannot provide. In support of this assertion, one participant shared the following:

“I feel poverty contributes [to GBV] like for example, a man is coming from work, and he is tired when he gets home. Maybe the wife has not cooked because cooking oil is finished, and she points out to the man that cooking oil is finished and maybe he may just respond in a rude way and the woman is also not having it because I mean she just simply point out cooking oil is finished…an argument will start between the two and it can end into a physical fight”- Thabo, 35-year-old employed single man. “…But what I observed is causing gender-based violence is due to us being unemployed especially as men, women are fed up with us sitting at home and just doing nothing, so that’s where the gender-based violence come from”- Teddy, 35-year-old self-employed married man.

Some men abuse their partners because if women are the ones who are working, they are not willing to take care of the men, thereby resulting in men resorting to the use of physical power to have their demands met.

“You find that a woman earns more, or the man is jobless…that working woman will not be taking care of the man and as a result there is financial abuse perpetrated by the woman because of this historical thing that they should be provided for and not be providers”-Mandla, 49-year-old unemployed divorced man.

However, participants also shared sentiments that women who are financially dependent to men, are more vulnerable to GBV as compared to women who are independent, because they can easily leave the abusive relationship.

“Women should learn to be independent so that they can stand on their own so that when a man becomes violent, she can move and start another life. Some force the situation of staying with a violent man because she has no means of making her own survival”-Langa, 46-year old self employed married man.

Alcohol, drug abuse and GBV

Participants shared that people living in Alexandra consume a lot of alcohol in order to, presumably, forget about their miserable lives. Easy access to alcohol and drugs in the Alexandra community, as every corner has taverns and bars, exacerbates GBV. Substances are used not only as social events, but also these intoxicating substances were thought to relieve unemployment and poverty-related stress.

“It is mainly poverty, alcohol and drug abuse because in these slums a lot of people are abusing alcohol and drugs, maybe to hide from their miseries, hide from poverty”- Mandla, 49-year-old unemployed divorced man. “Everywhere you go there is a tavern, but say you live in Sandton [neighbouring upmarket place] like on a Sunday today the establishments are closed and there are no taverns, even if you want a beer you cannot access it, but in these slums, beer is available everywhere even at 3am beer is avaialable, drugs all over”- Mandla, 49-year-old unemployed divorced man. “Men here in Alexandra are excessive drinkers, they surrender their lives into drinking. They get drunk with alcohol, dagga and high with nyaope, they just love being intoxivated”- Langa, 46-year-old self-employed married man.

Participants asserted that, as a result of alcohol and drug abuse, both women and men do not know how to communicate with each other when intoxicated. Participants further shared that the violence erupts when women ask the men not to spend too much money on alcohol and when both parties are drunk. Participants also shared that GBV can start when a woman does not concede to the man’s demands for money to buy alcohol or drugs, especially given, arguably, low men’s reasoning capacity when drunk.

“…in Alexandra, the only option is to drink alcohol, everyone drinks and when they are drunk there is a misunderstanding in communication. A drunk person versus a drunk person, noise starts from there and that is why we have gender-based violence”-Noah, 42-year old employed divorced man. “It is such conditions [alcohol and drug abuse] that lead to gender-based violence, like I am demanding money from either my mother or my wife to buy drugs. We end up exchanging words and abusing my wife or my mother. The issue is that I want to get my fix and I know she has money, and when I ask for it she does not give me because she has other uses for it”-John, 28-year old self employed married man.

Another perspective to how alcohol contributes to GBV related to bad advices menprovided to each other when they are gathered for drinking. These include the beating of ones wife if she is supposedly being disrespectful or as part of discipline, thereby instilling fear.

“Some men just want to instill fear in women because at times, it is something that you actually hear men talking about over beer”- Thabo, 35-year-old employed single man.

Participants were asked to explain the link between high alcohol intake, high unemployement and poverty in the community. The participants shared that you do not always need to have money everyday in order to get drunk, men in Alex do not mind sharing alcohol and whoever has money that day will buy and others will drink and also buy when they have money. They are united as a community and understand that times can be tough.

“…People are so united in a way that even if you do not have money, you will end up getting drunk. I mean if you go to the tavern, you can actually see people sharing a quart of beer maybe three or four will be sitting there and buying a quart of beer, if it finishes then buy another, so you might find out from those four people maybe one person have money but everyone gets drunk”- Thabo, 35-year-old employed single man. “…And the money they are drinking, they do not have it. You find that they took the money from the wife or they are being given by friends”- Melusi, 32-year-old employed married man.

Evolving cultural issues and GBV

Culture of silence and gbvsec3.

Participants asserted that the “mind your own business” pervasive in Alexandra has made it difficult for people to report the observed GBV in their neighbourhoods, especially given the sensitive nature of GBV. Thabo explained:

“…issues involving two people in a marriage like in an African culture there is a saying that ïndaba zabantu ababili azingenwa [issues involving two people in romantic relationship cannot be interfered with]”- Thabo, 35-year-old employed single man.

The community’s inability to confront the perpetrators is influenced by their status in the community and the prevailing weapons, which threatens the safety of those intending to intervene.

“…People are exposed to weapons in South Africa, it is not easy to speak about it [GBV], even if it happens to people you know because it gets scary to address certain things depending on how feared you are in the community”- Stompie, 28-year-old employed single man.

Children are particularly disadvantaged on issues of GBV because they are culturally not allowed to interfere with the issues between the parents as explained by Mpho:

“Like growing up in an African or family setup, you are raised not to raise your concern even if what [GBV] is happening between your parents does not sit well with you”- Mpho, 30-year-old unemployed single man.

Evolution of African culture to adapt the western culture, was seen as an enabler of GBV, as the western culture purportedly weakened family structures, thereby allowing GBV to thrive. Mandla explained the following:

“Cultural background plays a role because there is no home without quarrels, but our family backgrounds will help us for example our uncles, extended families will come forward to resolve our issues before they turn into something bigger [GBV]. My take is family structure has to be revised because black people, I think they are taking foreign cultures out of hand and disintegrating the culture they used to have”- Mandla, 49-year-old unemployed divorced man.

Patriarchal system, the value of respect and GBV

Some participants viewed patriarchy as an inadvertent cause of GBV, with some perpetrating GBV without even realising it, either due to lack of awareness or they feel justified through the use of customary belief system, as Siya shared:

“Sometimes men do violence against women without realising that they’re violating the rights of a woman”-45-year-old, unemployed married man.

Participants identified women’s non-recognition of men as the head of the household as a violation of cultural norms, thereby contributing to GBV in Alexandra. Men also feel they need to protect patriarchal system in order to preserve their superiority to women.

“The problem in Alexandra’s household is that anyone can be a household leader, children and everyone are leaders, hence there is no order in Alexandra”-Themba, 45-year old self employed married man. “The other problem is that they [women] get drunk, they get drunk like men, they no longer have any respect to bear the responsibility of taking care of the family as women”-Langa, 46-year old self employed married man. “It is cultural again, you know our culture informs us men as head and women just have to be submissive”-Mpho, 30-year old unemployed single man.

Participants felt that woman make unreasonable demands that men cannot fulfil, yet they do not respect men and alcohol abuse by women contribute to the lack of respect. Participants further pointed out that in Alex, there is no culture and women and children do not respect men as the leader of the house.

“…So we grew up knowing that a man is the head of the house and when ladies are drunk they start disrespecting men and it ends up physical”-Noah, 46-year old employed divorced man.

Men feel that since they propose to the women, women should respect their rules as the husband. One participant shared the following:

“I request we have respect here in the house, if l am talking to you as my wife, l request you show me respect because l first proposed to you, you never proposed to me”-Themba, 45-year old self employed married man .

Insecurities, infidelity and GBV

Participants shared that another contributing factor to GBV is their insecurities or the women being unfailthful. A fight can start when a man checks his wife’s cellphone or receives a call from another man, the man will become suspicious..

“It is more of the insecurities on the men’s side of things because in most cases they think their women are up to something with other people and they start getting a little bit violent”-Amo, 31-year old unemployed single man.

Participants also raised the cheating by women in relationships as another trigger for GBV.

“He burns the entire family all because maybe he found out his wife was cheating on him”- Langa, 46-year old self employed married man. “Sometimes people do things outside of their relationship, so it ends up being violent because men sometimes do not know how to handle that type of a situation. Instead of walking away or maybe try sit and find out what is happening, they rather take it upon themselves and start being violent trying to fix the situation”- Amo, 31-year old unemployed single man.

Government’s women-centred approach to GBV interventions

Women’s rights and gbv.

The participants were not pleased with how the government is handling GBV, as they felt women are being given “too many rights” which are making them not respect men. Participants also shared that women can start the physical fight, but men ends up arrested, thorugh the manipulation women-friendly systems.

“Lack of respect is the main instigator for the reason that women take advantage of the fact that the South African law defends and supports them”-Themba, 45-year old self employed married man .

Inequitable protection of male GBV victims by law enforcement agencies

Consequently, men feel they do not enjoy the same protection as women.

“The government interfered with the rights of men and today we no longer have rights”-Themba, 45-year old self employed married man. “ We as man have no one who is protecting us but women, the government protects them”-Noah, 42-year old employed divorced man.

Participants shared similar understanding of what constitutes GBV and used phrases like “beating your partner”, smashing of belongings”, “violation and rights” and “killings”. The ecological framework offered useful insights into the understanding of multi-layered and multidimensionaldrivers of GBV, at least from the perspectives of males. The study revealed that men are generally not only aware of the occurrence of GBV as a social-ill engulfing the communities, but are also concerned about its deadly repercussions in families and communities, alike. Socio-economic conditions, evolving cultural dynamics, partner insecurities and infedility, as well as government’s women-centred approach to GBV, were all perceived to be among the key factors aggravating GBV in the community. Socio-economic factors and related social ills, such as poverty, unemployment, alcohol and drug abuse were all identified as important issues necessary for a broader understanding of GBV. Poverty and unemployment were particularly linked with the growing frustration experienced by men, thereby resulting in increased GBV, especially since men find themselves being unable to provide for their families. Participants’ use of the concept poverty was not confined to unemployment, but included those whose incomes could not meet their basic needs.

Socio-economic difficulties have ripple-effect on increasing alcohol and drug abuse, which are also linked to gender based violence. However, results noted alcohol and drug abuse as something pervasive across gender, although intoxicated men were seen as likely to resort to abuse than their female counterparts. Easy access to alcohol and drugs in the study setting jeorpadise efforts to curb GBV. Men participating in this study also got into finger-pointing by alleging that women do provoke them, something that results in physical abuse, a phenomenon that arguably goes unreported to law enforcement authorities until it gets worse. Partner infedility and insecurities were also identified as important factors to GBV. However, the participants did not share how infidelity on the part of a male partner affects GBV. Participants of the study blamed women-centred government policies as contributing factors to ever-increasing GBV, as well as weak protection of male GBV victims by law enforcement agencies.

The results of this study identified men’s frustration emanating from lack of employment as a contributory factor to GBV and this is congruent with a study conducted in the European asylum reception facilities, which also made similar findings [ 54 ]. The ripple-effect of unemployment on men’s ability to meet the basic needs for their families perpetuated GBV [ 55 ], as was the case in the study by Mosavel et al. [ 56 ] conducted in South Africa. Shiva et al. [ 57 ] have linked alcohol, drug abuse and GBV, especially since communication mannerism gets lost when people are intoxicated, a phenomenon that is supported by our findings. Despite the association between alcohol and GBV being established, the pathway for this association requires further research [ 57 ].

Gender-based violence has many contributing factors in SA that can be traced back to cultural and traditional practices, gender inequalities and discrimination in all forms, such as economic, social, religious or political aspects [ 19 ]. These factors are rooted in unequal power relations between women and men, low status of women in communities and beliefs that men are superior and entitled to certain things, including toxic masculinity [ 30 ]. Culture as a key factor on GBV was supported by the findings of Le Mat et al. [ 55 ] study, which indicated that cultural factors are usually used as an excuse for violent behaviours and this is consistent with our findings. The study participants in our study asserted that, as the head of the house, they expected respect from their female partners. A study conducted in KwaZulu-Natal revealed that some men belonging to the Zulu nation used culture to justify their patriarchal practices [ 58 ] and culture has generally been used to justify power imbalances often resulting in GBV [ 59 ], a phenomenon that is continuosly reinforced by the patriarchal value system. This system identifies women as inferior to men, with illiteracy, poverty and low status of women being prevalent in the communities [ 41 ]. Economic liberation enables women to escape abusive relationships better than economically dependent women [ 52 ]. When women are capable of providing for themselves, own assets and have control to their resources, they tend to have more economic power and they can use it to escape abusive relationships [ 53 ]. Participants shared that women should also learn to be independent, so that they do not rely on men who may manipulate their dependancy to abuse them. Sadly, violence is not only confined to home settings, as some women escape violence from home, only to encounter it in other locations, such as work, markets and public spaces, owing to social and gender inequalities and societal norms [ 53 , 54 ]. Participants from our own study also demanded that they should be respected on account of being heads of the households. The patriarchal attitudes frequently favour men over women and there is an acknowledgement that GBV is largely caused by the interplay between individual, societal and cultural factors interacting at different levels of communities [ 42 ]. There is documented evidence linking infedility to GBV, 37% of the participants indicated that infidelity contributes to GBV [ 60 ], this is caused when a partner is suspected of being unfaithful and misplaced anger [ 61 ]. Respondents from this study also drew a link between infedility, jealousy and GBV, which is often a result of a partner checking each other’s cellphone. However, participants in our study were silent on infidelity committed by men, unsurprisingly so, as they were all males. The study setting also have a culture of not intervening on GBV issues, as community members view GBV as an internal affair that can only be handled by the couple or family concerned.

Applying the ecological framework to the understanding of our findings places the role played by societal, community, relationship and individual factors to perpetuating GBV in context. The different factors influence the occurance of GBV, for example the study showed that societal factors like cultural norms in a community with a high unemployment rate influence alcoholism, which, in turn exacerbate GBV. This illustrates the intedepencance of these factors to perpetuating GBV in communities.

The study explored how men in Alexandra conceptualize GBV from their own perspective. The study participants were recruited from the community, thereby making our observations and other data more dynamic than those generated from captive environments. This study makes an important contribution to the body of evidence in South Africa on GBV from a men’s perspectives, since most studies are female-focused.

The researcher’s limited familiarity with the setting did not place her in good standing for recruiting information-rich participants that would help us deepen our understanding of the phenomenon. The fact that the researcher was a young female who interviewed males may have rendered the study prone to social desirability bias. However, this was mitigated through detailed explanation of the purpose of the study and the value of truthfulness. While efforts were made to properly document the study processes, transferability of findings may have been affected by the weaknesses pervasive in sampling and recruitment strategy.

Contribution of evidence-based research

There is paucity of data in South Africa on how men conceptualize GBV. The study findings can be used to guide the government and stakeholders on the design strategies aimed at reducing GBV.

The study results provided important insights on how men conceptualize GBV in Alexandra Township, South Africa. These results revealed that socio-economic conditions, culture, and patriachy alongside some gender stereoptypes are pervasive and shape how men view GBV in Alexandra Township. The socio-cultural system works against the rights of women and the patriarchal norms leaves women vulnerable to GBV. While there is large body of evidence on GBV in South Africa broadly, there is paucity of data/evidence on how men conceptualise gender-based violence, hence this study was aimed at developing these data using qualitative research methods.This evidence is necessary for developing interventions aimed at curbing GBV and may also be suggestive of the need to redesign programmes targeting men, so that certain stereotypes can be uprooted.

Availability of data and materials

The datasets generated and/or analysed during the current study are not publicly available due to the fact that they are part of an ongoing academic (for degree) study but are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.

Abbreviations

Gender-Based Violence

Human-Immunodeficiency Virus

Intimate Partner Violence

London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine

South African Medical Research Council

United Nations

World Health Organisation

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Zinyemba, K.G., Hlongwana, K. Men’s conceptualization of gender-based violence directed to women in Alexandra Township, Johannesburg, South Africa. BMC Public Health 22 , 2235 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-022-14616-5

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How Technology-Facilitated Gender-Based Violence Impacts Women and Girls

Globally, approximately 736 million women — almost one in three — endure violence at least once in their life. The most prevalent form of violence against women globally is intimate partner violence (affecting around 641 million). However, this problem goes beyond interpersonal relationships and reaches into diverse environments, including online platforms. Online violence against women and girls has escalated rapidly in recent years, posing major threats to safety and well-being.

Online violence against women and girls

The digital transformation brings about substantial opportunities, but it also constitutes a space where harm can be perpetrated.

Artificial Intelligence (AI) raises concerns about protecting and promoting human rights. Societal biases linked to gender roles and identities are ingrained in social programmes and services through automated decision-making. Algorithms and devices have the potential to spread and reinforce harmful gender stereotypes. These gender biases pose a risk of further stigmatising and marginalising women on a global scale.

The COVID-19 pandemic increased digital violence as women and girls moved online for work, school and social activities. The importance of technology in realising gender equality and fostering inclusive development has never been more evident or pressing.

What is Technology-Facilitated Gender-Based Violence?

Technology-Facilitated Gender-Based Violence is “any act that is committed, assisted, aggravated or amplified by  the  use  of  information  communication  technologies  or  other  digital  tools  which   results   in   or   is   likely   to   result   in   physical,   sexual,   psychological,   social,   political   or   economic  harm or other infringements of rights and freedoms.”

Who is most affected?

Technology-Facilitated Gender-Based Violence targets all women who use technology . Certain groups of women are more prone to this type of violence because of their activities, identities, or access to specific information and services. Notably, human rights defenders, journalists and lawmakers, politicians, women activists and feminists, academics and young people face increased rates of violence.

For instance, 73% of women journalists have experienced online violence in the course of their work.

Technology-Facilitated Gender-Based Violence can disproportionately impact women and girls on an intersectional basis , considering factors such as race and ethnicity, age, sexual orientation, religion, gender identity/expression, socioeconomic status, disability, and refugee status. Women encountering various types of discrimination , including women with disabilities, women of colour, migrant women, and LGBTIQ+ individuals, bear unequal consequences.

What are the forms of violence against women occurring online?

Technology-Facilitated Gender-Based Violence takes many forms , including sextortion (blackmail by threatening to publish sexual information, photos or videos); image-based abuse (sharing intimate photos without consent); doxxing (publishing private personal information); cyberbullying; online gender and sexual harassment; cyberstalking; online grooming for sexual assault; hacking; hate speech; online impersonation; and using technology to locate survivors of abuse in order to inflict further violence, among many others. Digital tools can also exacerbate violence occurring offline, including intimate partner/domestic violence and trafficking.

The most common forms of violence reported included: misinformation and defamation (67%), cyber harassment (66%), hate speech (65%), impersonation (63%), hacking and stalking (63%), astroturfing (a coordinated effort to concurrently share damaging content across platforms, 58%), video and image-based abuse (57%), doxxing (55%), violent threats (52%), and unwanted images or sexually explicit content (43%).

According to the EU Rights Agency, one in 10 women in the European Union has experienced cyber-harassment since the age of 15, including having received unwanted and/or offensive sexually explicit emails or SMS messages, or offensive and/or inappropriate advances on social networking sites.

What is the impact of Technology -Facilitated Gender-Based Violence ?

The enduring effects of violence can have a significant impact on a woman’s health and well-being, persisting throughout her lifetime. It is associated with an elevated risk of injuries, depression, anxiety disorders, unintended pregnancies, sexually transmitted infections (including HIV), and various other health challenges . The effects on mental health are profound, with survivors reporting severe consequences such as stress, anxiety, depression, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), suicidal thoughts, and even attempts at suicide.

It also carries important health, safety, political and economic consequences. This form of violence not only silences women in online spaces , but also diminishes their engagement in public and political life, democratic processes, and leadership roles. Furthermore, it reinforces patriarchal roles, norms, and structures, serving as a significant obstacle to achieving gender equality and the Sustainable Development Goals.

What measures can we take to anticipate and mitigate these risks?

There is an urgent need to address online abuse, and to harness the power of technology as a force for good. Preventing and addressing Technology-Facilitated Gender-Based Violence necessitates collaborative efforts involving national governments, technology companies, digital rights and feminist movements, gender-based violence service providers, academics, and, most importantly, survivors. When developing AI technologies, it is important to prioritise diversity and inclusiveness.

Among others, States are urged to recognise violence against women and girls in digital contexts as a human rights violation . States must establish effective laws, policies, and regulatory frameworks aligned with existing international human rights instruments. Simultaneously, technology companies should adopt a collaborative approach in crafting digital platforms. Transparency is crucial in their deployment of algorithms, content moderation, policies, and complaint mechanisms, coupled with a commitment to assume responsibility for the repercussions stemming from neglecting harmful content and the inappropriate utilisation of technology.

More information:

• AI: Transformative power and governance challenges
• Facts and figures: Ending violence against women (UN Women)
• FAQs: Trolling, stalking, doxing and other forms of violence against women in the digital age (UN Women)
• Technology-Facilitated Gender-Based Violence in an Era of Generative AI (UNESCO)
• UNESCO’s Global Survey on Online Violence against Women Journalists
• Artificial Intelligence and Gender Equality (UNESCO)
• Six ways tech can help end gender-based violence (UNICEF)
• Devastatingly pervasive: 1 in 3 women globally experience violence (WHO)
• What is technology-facilitated gender-based violence? (UNFPA)
• Technology-facilitated Gender-based Violence Data and Measurement: Methodology Matters (UNFPA)
• Technology-Facilitated Gender-Based Violence: A Growing Threat (UNFPA)
• Violence against women: an EU-wide survey (EU Rights Agency)

More #16Days #NoExcuse articles:

• Video Games and Violence Against Women and Girls: A Double-Edged Sword in the Digital Age
• Fight against gender-based violence intensifies across Europe
• Red Card to Violence Against Women and Girls in Sports

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The Problem of Gender-Based Violence Essay

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Global context of the problem, gender-based violence among adolescents, gender-based violence towards the lgbtq community, ways to mitigate the problem.

With the development of humanity, the problems of gender interaction in society have become less acute compared to the situation in past eras. Nevertheless, despite the success of the struggle for equality and established moral values​, the issue of gender-based violence continues to exist. Women, in this case, are a vulnerable side, although there are cases of violence against men.

According to the World Health Organization, the most common causes are domestic disagreements that account for 38% to 50% of women murdered by their intimate partners (5). The situation is aggravated by the fact that gender-based violence occurs not only among adults but also among young people, which creates additional difficulties and is a good reason to draw various stakeholders’ attention.

Despite widespread access to information and opportunities to receive help, victims of physical abuse often seek to cope with their challenges individually, and this does not contribute to solving the issue effectively. Gender-based violence is an urgent problem that affects people of different ages, countries, and sexual orientations and requires addressing through the creation of an adequate preventive environment and strengthening measures to persecute aggressive citizens successfully.

As people move towards democratic freedoms and human rights, along with the values ​​of equality and mutual respect, gender-based violence remains a problem in a global context. The situation is aggravated by the fact that, in some world regions, the existing patriarchal foundations do not contribute to creating a favorable environment for dealing with the issue in question.

Wood et al. examine the rural region of Tajikistan, the country in Central Asia, and note the distinctive perceptions of violence between men and women, particularly the empowerment of the male population (1). In such archaic conditions, women are not endowed with an opportunity to fight for their rights, and any manifestations of violence against them are permissible at the level of traditional perception and people’s cultural background.

Another factor proving the global context of the problem under consideration is the economic crisis in many world regions. As Dowd argues, gender-based violence develops where the authorities are more concerned about financial problems than social ones (42). Violence between intimate partners is a consequence of social and economic challenges that impede normal life and are a catalyst for aggression (World Health Organization 5). As a result, women often experience physical abuse while living in poverty because low social status is one of the concomitant factors of violence.

Today, a number of agencies work to strengthen the regulatory framework and publicize the problem at the international level. Simister cites the examples of UNECE, the World Health Organization, and some other organizations that aim to disseminate information about the inadmissibility of gender-based violence (190). As Gerlach notes, with the emergence of the United Nations, the first attempts to reduce pressure on women were undertaken globally and across different social spheres (86).

However, given the aforementioned challenges, particularly economic difficulties and patriarchal canons, the problem has not been resolved until now. Therefore, in an international context, conducting targeted work to help vulnerable populations and prevent physical abuse has weight as an activity to emphasize the importance of this issue and its urgency in modern society. Notably, the manifestation of violence among young people is an acute problem within the stated topic.

Gender-based violence in adolescence is a particularly dangerous phenomenon since the psyche of young people is not formed comprehensively, and physical abuse based on gender can be a stimulus for the development of severe disorders. According to Mathews and Gould, adolescents who have experienced gender-based violence are prone to intellectual disabilities and even chronic illnesses (61). However, despite these threatening prospects, this form of social conflict exists, and individual social constraints exacerbate it.

For instance, Chandra-Mouli et al. state that “the percentage of countries with gender gaps in school attendance increases from 37% for primary education to 54% and 77% for lower and upper secondary education, respectively” (239). Teenage girls become objects of health-harming acts, and the current social regulations cannot address this issue adequately due to the lack of proper control and sustainable policies to protect vulnerable adolescents.

The existing social norms of some groups can also be a negative driver of gender-based violence in relation to vulnerable adolescents. Sommer et al. remark that gender-based stigma may arise, and what is contrary to modern values ​​in a civilized society may be acceptable in individual communities (155). As an example, the authors cite the concept of victim-blaming, according to which a girl is initially guilty of committing violence against her due to her overly defiant behavior, appearance, and other controversial factors (Sommer et al. 155).

This practice does not fit into modern social norms, which, nevertheless, does not affect the episodic nature of cases of violence. Moreover, according to the World Health Organization, young boys can also be targets of violence from older girls, and precedents exist (21). As a result, stigmatization manifests itself against both genders, albeit unequally.

The need to ensure the protection of vulnerable adolescents from gender-based violence is felt acutely during military conflicts. Etienne gives dire cases of young females’ abuse by soldiers and notes that such incidents should be regarded as a war crime against humanity and punished to the fullest extent of the law (139).

However, even if victims of violence are assisted, they are at risk of developing dangerous mental disorders caused by acute shocks. Ensuring the safety of adolescents from gender-based abuse should be a mandatory practice in a modern democratic world, and this category of the population should be given no less attention than adults. Thus, discussing the ways to mitigate these issues from different perspectives is critical.

Issues related to gender-based violence arising from the topic of sexual orientation are the problems that concern both adults and young people. In particular, the LGBTQ community is vulnerable, and many of its members are forced to face stigma and bias from the sexual majority. Crooks et al. state that schoolchildren who identify themselves as belonging to the LGBTQ community are often harassed and pressured by peers (45). This, in turn, affects their morale negatively and is a favorable factor for the development of concomitant mental disorders. Therefore, countering such a form of bullying is an important aspect of creating a normal environment in which people with equal opportunities can defend their interests.

To provide vulnerable categories of the population with protection from gender-based violence, targeted work should be carried out from an early age. Crooks et al. propose to create special youth programs for primary and secondary school children, which include teaching social interaction skills (31). This practice can be useful as a tool to educate children and adolescents about the dangerous consequences of gender-based abuse, and building healthy behaviors is a valuable outcome of such work.

Maintaining an adequate preventive environment at the international level should be supported by responsible organizations and agencies dealing with social regulations. The World Health Organization offers a special algorithm that includes several stages of targeted work, in particular, joining the efforts of different committees, investing in maintaining a stable regulatory framework, and developing individual community practices (19).

The aforementioned problem of the perception of gender-based violence within outdated cultural values ​​can be addressed through the involvement of local representatives to implement corresponding security programs at the regional level. These initiatives may contribute to addressing the issue as effectively as possible while taking into account the characteristics of each population group.

With regard to gender-based violence in the LGBTQ community, special measures can be taken. In particular, Crooks et al. pay attention to the program of assistance to schoolchildren with non-traditional sexual orientation as one of the tools to address the problem (45). Such a program aims to give students an opportunity to share experiences and create a communication environment in which bullying gives way to positive interaction.

Addressing this form of gender-based violence at an early age is an important aspect of the formation of appropriate social values ​​and norms. As a result, in adulthood, the likelihood of facing open aggression can be minimized due to timely work with the population.

In addition, educating the adult population as a tool for strengthening preventive work is no less important aspect than corresponding regulatory decisions. According to Simister, education is an effective form of combating gender-based violence since, despite distinctive deviant features in different communities, the background of the problem is the same – abuse allowance by the gender factor (70).

The more often people hear about the inadmissibility of humiliating others’ honor and dignity, the higher are the chances of reducing the incidence of physical abuse against vulnerable groups. Moreover, through education, stakeholders can not only build but also assess the sustainability of specific measures taken to reduce risks (World Health Organization 21). Therefore, outreach work, complemented by appropriate regulatory constraints, is a valuable practice.

Addressing the issue of gender-based violence by introducing both relevant legal practices and educational projects at different levels is a crucial task due to the dangerous implications of this social problem. Particular attention should be paid to the topic of physical abuse by the gender factor among children and adolescents since their psyche is the most vulnerable, and a number of health problems can develop. The representatives of the LGBTQ community are also under the threat of social pressure and may need support and protection to defend their interests and social rights.

The reasons for gender-based violence can be distinctive, but the main prerequisites for the issue are economic constraints and impaired cultural norms promoted in individual communities. According to Etienne, local groups can educate the population successfully and build an adequate preventive environment (139). At the same time, international organizations’ activities are also valuable due to the popularization of the issue globally and an opportunity to attract public attention.

Chandra-Mouli, Venkatraman, et al. “Addressing Harmful and Unequal Gender Norms in Early Adolescence.” Nature Human Behaviour , vol. 2, no. 4, 2018, pp. 239-240.

Crooks, Claire V., et al. “Preventing Gender-Based Violence Among Adolescents and Young Adults: Lessons from 25 Years of Program Development and Evaluation.” Violence Against Women , vol. 25, no. 1, 2019, pp. 29-55.

Dowd, Douglas. Inequality and the Global Economic Crisis: Douglas Dowd . Pluto Press, 2009.

Etienne, Margareth. “Addressing Gender-Based Violence in an International Context.” Harvard Women’s Law Journal , vol. 18, 1995, p. 139.

Gerlach, Christian. Extremely Violent Societies: Mass Violence in the Twentieth-Century World . Cambridge University Press, 2010.

Mathews, Shanaaz, and Chandré Gould. “Preventing Violence: From Evidence to Implementation.” ChildGauge , edited by Lucy Jamieson, Lizette Berry, and Lori Lake, University of Cape Town, 2017, pp. 61-67.

Simister, John. Gender Based Violence: Causes and Remedies . Nova Science Publishers, 2012.

Sommer, Marni, et al. “How Gender Norms Are Reinforced Through Violence Against Adolescent Girls in Two Conflict-Affected Populations.” Child Abuse & Neglect , vol. 79, 2018, pp. 154-163.

Wood, Elizabeth A., et al. “Exploring the Differences Between Men’s and Women’s Perceptions of Gender-Based Violence in Rural Tajikistan: A Qualitative Study.” BMC Women’s Health , vol. 21, no. 1, 2021, pp. 1-15.

World Health Organization. RESPECT Women: Preventing Violence Against Women . World Health Organization, 2019.

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IvyPanda. (2022, October 23). The Problem of Gender-Based Violence. https://ivypanda.com/essays/the-problem-of-gender-based-violence/

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1. IvyPanda . "The Problem of Gender-Based Violence." October 23, 2022. https://ivypanda.com/essays/the-problem-of-gender-based-violence/.

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• Published: 09 July 2024

A scoping review on the nature and impact of gender based violence on women primary producers

• Cathy O’Mullan 1 ,
• Saba Sinai 1 &
• Sabitra Kaphle 1  

BMC Women's Health volume  24 , Article number:  395 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

223 Accesses

Women in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) are primary producers of subsistence food and significant contributors to the agricultural economy. Gender Based Violence (GBV) adversely impacts their capacity to contribute and sustain their families and undermines social, economic, and human capital. Addressing GBV, therefore, is critical to creating safe and inclusive environments for women as primary producers to participate fully in rural communities. The aim of this scoping review is to explore the existing evidence on GBV in the context of women primary producers in LMICs to inform research gaps and priorities.

A scoping review was conducted using PubMed, Web of Science, Ebscohost and Google Scholar using keywords related to GBV and women producers in LMICs. Peer-reviewed journal articles published between January 2012 and June 2022 were included in the review. Duplicates were removed, titles and abstracts were screened, and characteristics and main results of included studies were recorded in a data charting form. A total of 579 records were identified, of which 49 studies were eligible for inclusion in this study.

Five major themes were identified from our analysis: (1) extent and nature of GBV, (2) the impact of GBV on agricultural/primary production livelihood activities, (3) sociocultural beliefs, practices, and attitudes, (4) aggravating or protective factors, and (5) GBV interventions. Addressing GBV in agriculture requires inclusive research approaches and targeted interventions to empower women producers, promote gender equality, enhance agricultural productivity, and contribute to broader societal development. Despite attempts by researchers to delve into this issue, the pervasive under-reporting of GBV remains a challenge. The true extent and nature of GBV perpetrated against women is far from fully understood in this context.

Despite the significant challenges posed by GBV to the health, economy and livelihoods of women primary producers in LMICs, there is a paucity in the current state of knowledge. To make meaningful progress, more research is required to understand the relationship between GBV and agricultural settings, and to gain nuanced insight into the nature and impact of GBV on women primary producers in different regions and contexts.

Gender-based violence (GBV) is a widespread public health issue that affects people of all genders, but disproportionately impacts women and girls [ 1 ]. GBV is deeply rooted in gender inequality, and is reinforced by patriarchal norms, discriminatory laws, and socio-cultural practice that violate women’s rights [ 2 ]. Although GBV can affect individuals from all backgrounds, women living in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) experience a disproportionate burden due to a range of complex socio-economic and cultural factors [ 3 ].

Given women have a significant representation in the agricultural workforce in LMICs and substantial contributions to food and crop production, the impacts of GBV have far-reaching consequences on agricultural productivity and food security [ 4 ]. In the context of ongoing climate change, the urgency to address GBV within agricultural settings becomes even more pronounced as climate shocks create a strain on food production and exacerbate food insecurity [ 5 ]. Women and girls are often the first to be negatively impacted by increased food insecurity which tends to lead to an increased incidence of violence against women [ 5 , 6 ]. While GBV is a highly concerning issue gaining increasing attention, particularly within the public health and humanitarian fields, the relationship between GBV and agriculture lacks focus and recognition.

GBV, as defined by UN Women, refers to “harmful acts directed at an individual or a group of individuals based on their gender” [ 7 ]. While there is debate over which forms of violence fall under the GBV umbrella [ 8 ], for the purposes of this review, we include physical, sexual, economic, and psychological violence. Gender is a product of social and cultural influences rather than an innate characteristic [ 9 ], and GBV is intricately linked to the social constructs of gender. Deeply ingrained patriarchy and harmful beliefs and stereotypes about masculinity and femininity shape the roles of men and women, exerting significant power dynamics that perpetuate oppression and gender inequalities [ 10 , 11 ].

Cultural practices, attitudes and traditions that contribute to GBV in LMICs, such as forced marriage, bride price and female genital mutilation, originate from systemic gender inequality, coercive control, and harmful social norms [ 12 , 13 , 14 ]. Although GBV affects individuals of all genders, women experience heightened risks due to gender-based power inequalities and discriminatory laws perpetuated by social norms and practices [ 12 ]. Global perspectives on GBV recognize the phenomenon is not incidental or indicative of a woman’s vulnerability; rather it is “embedded in structural systems, norms and long-standing discrimination” [ 15 ].

According to the World Health Organization, around one in three women worldwide experience physical or sexual violence from an intimate partner at some point in their lives [ 1 ]. Women in LMICs are disproportionately impacted by GBV, with prevalence rates of up to 50% in some countries. In LMICs, however, the true extent of GBV is difficult to quantify due to several reasons, including lack of reliable data and the often-hidden nature of this form of violence [ 2 , 16 ]. Tools and methods to capture the prevalence of GBV are often inadequate [ 17 , 18 ]; furthermore, cultural, historical, and legal understandings of GBV vary across regions and culture, compounding the risk of under reporting or double counting [ 19 , 20 ]. The under reporting of GBV is a critical challenge in LMICs due to cultural and social norms that discourage women from reporting abuse [ 3 ]. Women may face various barriers, including fear of stigma and shame, financial constraints, lack of services, fear of revenge, limited law enforcement action, and societal attitudes that normalise violence [ 4 , 21 ].

Women and girls play a vital role in the economic, social, and cultural life of rural communities in LMICs. Rural women make significant contributions to household income through their participation in agricultural and other economic activities, such as home-based enterprises and small-scale agricultural ventures [ 3 ]. Globally, 36% of women work in agrifood systems; however, women are more likely to be employed in less-profitable value chains and activities due to traditional social norms or poor access to assets and resources [ 22 ]. In LMICs, in addition to agricultural roles, women are traditionally assigned to household work, child and elder care responsibilities, and other unpaid care work due to existing gendered divisions of labor.

Feminist economists refer to the concept of a “care economy” to describe the invisible and unpaid work undertaken by women globally [ 23 ]. While the valuable contributions of rural women are often overlooked and undervalued, their work is fundamental to the functioning of families, communities, and societies [ 24 ]. Rural women can also act as community leaders, change agents and decision makers, serving as role models for women and girls and breaking down barriers that hinder their full participation in society [ 25 ]. In LMICs, where rural women play a significant role in the social system and family economy, GBV limits their potential and has negative impacts on their well-being [ 16 , 26 ]. Addressing GBV, therefore, is critical to creating safe and inclusive environments for women to participate fully in rural communities and contribute to economic, social, and cultural development.

While women’s contributions are central to the food and nutrition security of households and communities, the gendered nature of food systems is well established [ 16 ]. Women producers face unique challenges which limit their ability to fully participate in and benefit from agricultural activities [ 6 ]. Challenges include limited access to land, credit, and other resources necessary for agricultural production, as well as gender-based discrimination and limited participation in decision-making processes [ 5 , 25 ]. Women producers frequently lack access to education and training opportunities, which can hinder their ability to adopt new technologies and practices to improve productivity and profitability [ 27 ]. Additionally, women may face discrimination and harassment in their work, as well as limited access to markets and other economic opportunities [ 28 ].

While there are some programs and strategies that have been implemented to address GBV in agricultural settings, such as microfinance programs, advocacy for equal land rights and the promotion of gender-sensitive training [ 25 , 29 ], GBV remains an under-recognised reality, compounding the existing challenges faced by women producers in LMICs. As noted by Okpara and Anugwa, “GBV is not only a human rights violation, but also a catalyst to social degradation and food insecurity” [ 28 ] (p.12). The significance of addressing GBV, particularly in the context of women producers in LMICs, cannot be overstated. While research on GBV in agricultural settings is growing, it remains relatively underexplored [ 16 , 30 ]. To make meaningful progress, more research is needed to understand the relationship between GBV and agriculture and gain insight into the impact of GBV on women producers in different regions and contexts. By undertaking a comprehensive review of the existing literature on GBV in the context of women primary producers in LMICs, this study aims to identify research gaps and priorities, and contribute to the advancement of knowledge in this field.

Scoping reviews serve as valuable tools in health research, enabling researchers to map essential concepts and identify gaps in the existing literature. As the impact of GBV on women producers remains poorly understood, a scoping review was deemed appropriate as it provides a comprehensive overview of the available literature, including its volume, nature, and characteristics, while also revealing areas where research gaps exist. To conduct the scoping review, the frameworks developed by Arksey and O’Malley [ 31 ] and Levac, Colquhoun, and O’Brien [ 32 ] were employed. These frameworks include, in broad terms, the following stages: [ 1 ] identification of research questions, [ 2 ] a search of the relevant databases, [ 3 ] selection of articles, [ 4 ] making a chart of findings from reading the articles and extracting relevant information, and [ 5 ] collection, summary, and report of the results.

Research questions and study purpose

The scoping review process was guided by the following research question:

What is the current state of knowledge regarding GBV in the context of women primary producers in LMICs?

For the purposes of this scoping review, “women primary producers” were defined as women involved in agriculture and food production; this included plant production, livestock production, fisheries and aquaculture. In addition to this, the definition of food systems used by the Australian Centre for International Agricultural Research (ACIAR) and defined by the High-Level Panel of Experts on Food Security and Nutrition of the Committee on World Food Security (HLPE) was utilised [ 33 , 34 ]. There was no threshold of involvement in primary production applied to inclusion; papers that discussed women involved in primary production whether as a full-time occupation or as one part of their livelihood activities, were included. If women had been involved in primary production but this involvement was curtailed because of GBV or GBV-associated factors, these studies were also included.

Article search and selection

The project team consisted of three investigators with expertise on subject matter relevant to the scoping study. A librarian also assisted in performing the initial search and in refining search terms relevant to the research question. The search was conducted using PubMed, Web of Science and Ebscohost. Search terms relevant to gender-based violence, such as “Violence against Women”, “Domestic Violence”, “Intimate Partner Violence” and “Gender-Based Violence”, together with relevant acronyms were used. Search terms relevant to primary production, such as “farming”, “food production”. “agriculture”, “aquaculture”, “food systems” and “agribusiness” were also included. Only peer-reviewed journal articles published between January 2012 and June 2022 were included in the review. Through this initial search of three databases, 579 articles were found. Removal of duplicates using EndNote (a reference management software package) resulted in 452 remaining articles.

To be included in the review, papers had to meet the following inclusion criteria; (a) based on research in LMICs, as defined by the World Bank, (b) peer-reviewed journal articles, including systematic reviews, mixed methods, qualitative and quantitative papers, (c) published between 2012 and 2022, (d) considered food systems as per our definition, (e) considered GBV as per our definition, (f) and considered women and girls 15 and over (economically active) were included. Exclusion criteria included (a) men of any age, (b) grey literature, (c) research in High Income Countries (HIC), as defined by the World Bank and (d) articles not published in English. The team had initially planned to limit the scoping review to Melanesia but found only six suitable peer reviewed articles since 2012. The search was, therefore, expanded to all LMICs.

In the title and abstract round of reviews two investigators (CO & SS) independently reviewed paper titles and abstracts. This process yielded a total of 72 articles between both reviewers. Both investigators were in complete agreement on 35 of these articles for inclusion. Both investigators met to discuss discrepancies between their included/excluded articles. After considering the inclusion and exclusion criteria, together with the research question, both investigators reached a consensus on the inclusion of 49 papers. A Google Scholar search for any additional peer-reviewed journal articles not included in the initial database search was then completed using the terms: ‘“Gender Based Violence” “Women Farmers”. We included only the first 100 search results from Google Scholar for further rounds of title and abstract filtration. This process yielded a further 11 papers based on the inclusion criteria. One of these papers was already captured in the list of papers from the database searches and was therefore excluded. The combined 59 papers (49 from databases, 10 from Google Scholar) were then distributed among both investigators for a full text review, after which a total of 49 articles were deemed suitable for data extraction (See Fig.  1 ).

Article selection process conducted in this scoping review (adapted from the PRISMA flow diagram)

Data extraction and analysis

The investigators collaborated to develop a data-charting form for tabulating relevant aspects of each reviewed article. In addition to author(s), year, title and journal, these data-chart categories were: country; aims of study; study population/sample size; methodology/methods; intervention type and duration (if applicable); outcomes; and key findings relating to the research question. Because of the volume of articles under review, two authors (CO and SS) divided the papers into two groups for data extraction. The authors met regularly to discuss progress and ensure that data extraction remained aligned with the research question (Levac et al., 2010). Data charts from both authors were combined and discussed jointly. During the data extraction process, broad themes were identified among the body of included studies. Five overarching themes (discussed below) were then identified; included articles were mapped against these themes. Many articles were assigned to more than one theme (See Table  1 ).

Findings/results

Description of studies: populations, research designs.

While the included 49 studies varied in their aims, all considered GBV within agricultural or rural settings. All studies that drew on primary data sought contributions from the economically active workforce (women or girls over 15 years). Often these were women primary producers, as defined above, or the study identified a subpopulation of women primary producers within the broader sample population. At times, male partners or other male household members were also included in the study. Other relevant stakeholders, such as educators, were at times included. The studies included in our scoping review employed a range of methods. While many were based on mixed methods, commonly interviews together with surveys and/or focus groups, studies utilizing only interviews or surveys/questionnaires were also common. Six studies drew on secondary data, particularly data from the Demographic Health Survey (DHS) [ 36 ]. Literature reviews, standalone focus groups, and observation-based studies were also included but not to the extent of other research approaches.

Using the World Health Organization (WHO) six regional groupings [ 37 ], geographical classifications were assigned to the articles in this scoping review. These groupings are the Africa Region; Region of the Americas; South-East Asia Region; European Region; Eastern Mediterranean Region; and Western Pacific Region. While forty-four of the included papers could be placed in one of these regions, five articles, all literature reviews or studies involving secondary data, were based in more than one country and across two or more of these groupings. Twenty-two papers (44.9%) were based on research in the Africa Region, two articles (4.1%) were based on research conducted in the Region of the Americas; 10 articles (20.4%) in the South-East Asia Region; three (6.1%) in the European Region; two (4.1%) in the Eastern Mediterranean; and five (10.2%) in the Western Pacific Region. The African Region was by far the most represented across the articles in the scoping study (see Fig.  2 ).

Number of peer-reviewed journal articles selected from each WHO region

The 5 major themes identified from our analysis are discussed below: [ 1 ] extent and nature of GBV, [ 2 ] the impact of GBV on agricultural/primary production livelihood activities, [ 3 ] sociocultural beliefs, practices, and attitudes, [ 4 ] aggravating or protective factors, and [ 5 ] GBV interventions. These themes are explained using a narrative approach.

Extent and nature of GBV

The first theme, extent and nature of GBV, was assigned to papers that explored or highlighted the prevalence of GBV and/or the extent to which data on GBV is collected, and manifestations of GBV in the settings concerned. Papers that explored under-reporting or inadequate tools for capturing data were also included here. Our review categorized fifteen (31.25%) articles under this theme. In terms of extent, the literature revealed that GBV is prevalent in many primary production-based communities in LMICs, with numerous women reporting they had experienced or are currently experiencing GBV [ 38 , 39 ]. However, due to the limitations in adequately capturing data on GBV in these settings, the true extent of GBV is likely underestimated. Of note, some papers discussing GBV in primary production settings in LMICs, specifically highlighted how poor screening methods or research approaches inadequately captured or ignored women’s experiences, therefore affecting the reliability of data [ 35 , 40 , 41 , 42 ]. Under reporting of GBV is a critical challenge; several papers explored the use and efficacy of methods to capture data on GBV, including through surveys, interviews, focus group discussions and tools such as the Women’s Empowerment in Agriculture Index (WEAI) [ 11 , 18 , 38 , 42 ]. These studies also explored inadequacies in fully capturing the true extent of GBV, indicating the actual prevalence is underestimated.

The nature of GBV encompassed various forms in the context of LMIC-primary production settings and included physical violence [ 38 , 43 , 44 , 45 ] sexual violence [ 38 , 43 , 44 ], economic violence [ 44 , 46 , 47 , 48 ] and psychological violence [ 38 , 45 ]. In the realm of GBV reporting and monitoring, however, certain types of violence, such as physical violence and sexual violence received more attention and focus compared to other forms of violence. Psychological violence, for example, can be challenging to recognise, monitor and report and therefore hindered our understanding of the full scope of GBV in this setting.

Men perpetrate violence against women for various reasons, influenced by a combination of individual, social, economic and cultural factors. Our review highlighted some common underlying factors including refusal of partners to engage in sexual intercourse, to achieve a self-image of masculinity, and transgression of cultural norms related to women’s roles in society and primary production-related work [ 43 , 44 , 45 ]. In the study conducted by Simsek et al. [ 46 ] on seasonal agricultural workers in Turkey, husbands and/or fathers denied women the ability to make decisions about their earnings, which was identified as a form of economic violence. Similarly, in Papua New Guinea, Eves [ 44 ] highlighted the prevention of economic decision-making as a feature of GBV. This form of economic violence frequently affected women’s participation in agricultural livelihoods [ 48 ].

The impact of GBV on agricultural/primary production livelihood activities

The second theme, the impact of GBV on agricultural/primary production livelihood activities focused on the impact of GBV on women’s engagement and participation. Within the scoping review, thirteen (27.08%) articles were identified. These articles revealed that GBV negatively impacted on women’s benefits from and engagement with agricultural and other primary production livelihood activities [ 49 ]. Furthermore, the articles discussed how GBV, and the associated power dynamics restricted women’s decision-making abilities, limited their access to resources, impeded their skills development, and hindered their agency. Within this context, several interrelated themes emerged, highlighting the complex way in which GBV affects women primary producers. One recurring theme was the physical and mental toll of GBV on women’s health, directly impacting their ability to work and engage in agricultural activities. Instances of morbidity resulting from GBV created barriers that limited women’s productivity and hampered their active participation in the agricultural sector [ 26 ].

Furthermore, women producers working in isolated settings faced an increased risk of sexual violence and other forms of GBV [ 26 , 40 ]. The inherent vulnerability of their surroundings exposed them to heightened dangers, undermining their sense of safety and well-being [ 40 , 45 , 50 ]. Not surprisingly, the demands and pressures associated with primary production and household responsibilities, including food scarcity, exacerbated GBV. Women producers facing economic and emotional strain, were more vulnerable to GBV, further undermining their well-being, and hindering their productive contributions [ 26 , 40 ]. In the context of GBV in agricultural settings, these interlinkages were particularly evident and created a vicious cycle that exacerbated the negative effects of violence on women producers.

Land rights, as a cultural phenomenon and a barrier, played a significant role in limiting women’s engagement in livelihood activities [ 25 , 40 , 51 ]. While land rights may not be inherently classified as GBV, the denial or restriction of women’s land rights can contribute to and perpetuate GBV. Cultural norms, traditions, and patriarchal systems often intersected with land ownership and inheritance, creating obstacles for women’s access to and control over land resources [ 40 , 44 , 51 ]. The theme of land rights and land ownership featured prominently in the literature and will be discussed again later in this paper.

Economic control, a recognised and insidious form of GBV, was also a recurring theme in the literature. Lack of economic agency, for example, withholding women’s farm income restricted their decision-making abilities, curtailed their economic mobility, and had the potential to stifle entrepreneurial and innovative potential [ 40 , 44 , 45 , 47 , 52 ]. Additionally, women faced limitations on the type of livelihood activities they could engage in due to gender norms and expectations; such limitations further perpetuated gender inequalities [ 47 , 48 , 52 , 53 ]. Male producers, for example, were typically given control over cash crops or high-value agricultural activities; in contrast, women were often assigned tasks related to subsistence farming or low-value crops [ 47 , 52 ]. This gendered division of labour reinforced gender disparities in agricultural productivity.

Coping strategies used by women to mitigate these impacts on agricultural livelihoods were also discussed. These strategies included fighting back against GBV and asserting rights, appeasing the perpetrator to minimise the occurrence of GBV and seeking social support from family and friends [ 54 ]. In some instances, women producers sought the intervention of law enforcement, resorting to police intervention, seeking counsel, and instituting legal action [ 53 , 54 ]. Several articles highlighted strategies to mitigate the impact of GBV on livelihoods; these articles will be discussed later in this paper under the theme GBV interventions.

Sociocultural beliefs, practices, and attitudes

The issue of GBV is multifaceted, and the third theme, sociocultural beliefs, practices, and attitudes, provided valuable insights into the underlying factors that contribute to GBV. Nineteen articles (39.6%) grouped under this theme highlighted how gender inequality underpinned GBV through factors such as culturally sustained gender norms and schemas, historical factors, traditional inheritance practices, policy and customary norms.

Research revealed that GBV is sometimes approved or tolerated by both women and men in certain contexts. Several studies, including those by Eves [ 44 ], Simsek et al. [ 46 ], Sandberg et al. [ 55 ], and Crookston et al. [ 56 ], highlighted this acceptance of GBV. Studies also highlighted the acceptance of GBV in response to specific behaviors, such as the refusal of sex [ 44 ]. Not surprisingly, sociocultural beliefs, practices, and attitudes were identified as influential in shaping the occurrence and acceptability of GBV. For example, households where wealth is derived from agricultural production were found to be more likely to exhibit attitudes that sustained GBV [ 55 ].

As highlighted by Maduekwe et al. [ 57 ], in research from Malawi, women who work in agriculture, are more likely to be “human recognition deprived’; that is, undervalued and under-recognised by society. Cultural norms and attitudes, in this context, were seen to support male dominance, foster conservative perspectives on women’s societal value, and potentially facilitate a more accepting environment for GBV. While one study from South Sulawesi reported strong disapproval of GBV, other studies highlighted the influence of social norms and the networks through which they were disseminated [ 11 , 38 , 55 , 58 , 59 , 60 ]. These social norms created conditions that enabled GBV to persist not only in primary-producer settings but also throughout agricultural value chains.

The connection between agricultural livelihoods, history and tradition contributed to attitudes that sustained gender inequality and GBV [ 38 , 59 , 61 ]. Research demonstrates that in certain contexts, sociocultural factors shaped gender roles centered around responsibilities related to primary production [ 49 , 59 , 62 ]. These gender roles reinforced power inequalities, and further perpetuated GBV [ 38 , 52 , 60 , 61 , 63 ]. Of note, women’s engagement in primary production activities was, at times, perceived by men as a threat to their traditional masculine identities [ 53 , 59 ]. A particularly notable association between sociocultural norms related to agriculture and GBV was observed by Alesina et al. [ 59 ]. This research, utilising the Demographic Health Survey [ 36 ] and Murdock’s Ethnographic Atlas [ 64 ] linked present-day GBV occurrences to historical forms of agriculture in Africa. Societies with historical forms of production such as plough agriculture, fishing, and husbandry (primarily male dominated) were found to have higher rates of GBV, even when present-day descendants were no longer engaged in primary production. Conversely, societies in Africa with non-plough-based agriculture, where agricultural tasks were historically more equally shared between women and men, exhibited lower rates of GBV [ 59 ].

Research revealed that land ownership is connected to agency and a woman’s economic independence; several articles explored the connection between traditional modes of land rights or land inheritance/ownership and GBV [ 25 , 40 , 44 ]. The association between traditional modes of inheritance or land rights and GBV, revealed two distinct outcomes for women producers. In cases where cultural practices provide women with land, these traditional practices contributed to increased agency and decision-making power for women [ 25 ]. Conversely, when women were excluded from inheriting land, this limited autonomy and had a detrimental effect on women producers. The exclusion of women from inheriting land may lead to a dependency on marriage as the primary means of acquiring a livelihood [ 40 , 44 ] (Chipuriro, 2018; Eves, 2021). Of note, Mienzen-Dick et al. [ 25 ] (p77) described the relationship between women’s land rights and GBV as “one of the clearest indicators of disempowerment”. In their review of the literature on women’s land rights and poverty reduction, Mienzen-Dick and colleagues [ 25 ] revealed that women’s property (land or house) ownership is “significantly and negatively associated with both long-term and current physical and psychological violence.” In summary, the literature suggested that land ownership has the potential to protect against GBV.

The topics of bride price and marital customs also emerged within the literature. Three papers examined how these customs intersect with GBV in such communities [ 40 , 44 , 59 ]. Bride price, sometimes paid through the provision of livestock and agricultural goods, was associated with a sense of ‘ownership’ by men over their wives, including control over their bodies, time, labour and assets [ 40 , 44 , 59 ]. Chipuriro [ 40 ] described one case from Zimbabwe in which the husband of a woman who had harvested crops together with her children, took her harvest to the market himself and withheld the money from its sale from his wife. He then used this money to purchase cattle for “lobola” (payment in cattle or cash to a bride’s family shortly before the marriage) for new wives. Customs such as bride price reinforced attitudes regarding women as the ‘property’ of their husbands; furthermore, the requirement to repay bride price created further barriers for women seeking to leave abusive relationships [ 59 ].

Aggravating or protective factors

The fourth theme, “aggravating or protective factors,” focused on examining individual and environmental factors that either aggravated or mitigated GBV. Unlike the third theme, which explored social and cultural norms, this theme delved into additional aspects that influence GBV. In this context, aggravating factors referred to any factor or condition that exacerbated or worsened the severity, frequency, or impact of GBV. Protective factors referred to any factor or condition that reduced the risk or impact of GBV. These protective factors differed from prevention strategies as they were not interventions designed to reduce the incidence or prevalence of GBV. Twenty-one papers (43.75%) were grouped under this theme.

We identified several aggravating factors that exacerbated the risk of GBV. One notable aggravating factor related to the historical forms of agriculture practiced in certain societies and discussed earlier in this paper [ 59 ]. In African societies, where plough agriculture, fishing, and husbandry have traditionally held prominence, there was a strong association between masculinity and these occupations. The pressure to conform to these masculine ideals may have contributed to the aggravation of GBV in this context [ 59 ]. Work in the agricultural sector, as opposed to the non-agricultural sector, was also identified as an aggravating factor. The challenging and hazardous nature of agricultural work, coupled with unequal gender roles, increased the vulnerability of women producers in such settings [ 55 , 62 ]. In the context of primary production, alcohol abuse by intimate partners was a common aggravating factor in GBV situations. Several studies discussed how high levels of alcohol consumption, primarily among men, contributed to an environment of coercion, control, and physical harm [ 53 , 58 , 60 , 61 , 65 , 66 , 67 ]; all primarily among men authors advocated for interventions to address substance misuse.

Not surprisingly, challenging traditional gender roles and norms was recognised as an aggravating factor for GBV. Women who challenged gender roles or asserted their rights to land, for example, were more likely to trigger a backlash and increase the risk of GBV. Even small acts of defiance by women producers threatened existing power relationships and led to heightened tensions and escalating violence [ 53 , 60 , 67 , 68 ]. Weak law enforcement and inadequate responses further aggravated GBV in such settings [ 26 ]. Concerningly, women who did report GBV, faced significant barriers to justice [ 26 ]. Other aggravating factors included household economic instability, extreme shocks and reductions in farm income, water scarcity, and the concentration of household wealth in agriculture [ 26 , 55 , 65 , 66 , 67 , 69 , 70 , 71 ]. These factors created additional stresses, exacerbated existing power imbalances, and contributed to the increased prevalence of GBV.

Some of these reported aggravating factors were disputed by other papers included in the review. Cooper et al. [ 72 ], for example, explored the association between intimate partner violence and drought and found no significant relationship. However, it is important to note that this research focused on regions such as Africa, the Americas, and Asia, leaving room for further investigation in other LMICs. Additionally, the work status of women was examined in relation to protection from GBV. Zafar et al. [ 73 ] conducted a study comparing an association between a woman’s work status in agriculture versus blue-collar or white-collar work and protection from GBV. Interestingly, their findings did not show a significant association between work status and protection from GBV. These results challenged the notion that a woman’s occupation alone can serve as a protective factor against GBV. These discrepancies highlight the complexity of aggravating factors influencing GBV, and the importance of conducting further research.

Protective factors that contributed to mitigating GBV merit further attention. These factors encompassed various aspects, including socioeconomic characteristics, household income, and some features of development programs. Examples of such factors include women’s ownership of land and homes, independent income, access to production-related natural resources, involvement in agricultural projects, and higher levels of education [ 25 , 46 , 53 , 62 , 65 ]. Additionally, women themselves adopted protective measures, such as working away from abusive partners [ 53 ]. The influence of culturally appropriate and context specific development programs, training initiatives, and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) also played a protective role. For instance, in Papua New Guinea, men showed more support for women’s involvement in beekeeping when they were engaged from the start of the program [ 52 ]. In Brazil, however, women revealed resistance to the presence of men in agricultural training, as it hindered willingness to share their perspectives and experiences, including those related to GBV [ 39 ]. Women-only spaces were viewed as opportunities for shaping an “agroecological popular feminist identity” and emancipation from oppressive social structures (38). These discrepancies highlight the need for interventions that are tailored to the specific cultural context.

GBV interventions

Our review identified seventeen (35.42%) peer-reviewed journal articles that discussed primary and secondary prevention interventions. Primary prevention interventions focused on addressing the root causes of GBV to prevent violence from occurring; secondary interventions involved early intervention and measures to identify and respond to GBV incidents promptly [ 74 ].

Various primary prevention interventions were implemented to address GBV in agricultural settings. These diverse interventions aimed to create safer environments and promote gender equality in farming communities. Examples of interventions included: the prevention of GBV as a key demand in the collective bargaining agreements of agricultural workers to create supportive and respectful work environments [ 50 ]; poverty alleviation programs to address economic disparities and vulnerabilities that can contribute to violence [ 75 ]; to include gender mainstreaming within food security programs [ 76 ]; and interventions such as cash transfers, provision of supplies and targeted income support to address the underlying stressors that can fuel GBV [ 18 , 70 ]. Engaging women in agricultural programs that increase food access, improve natural resource management and reduce family stress was also identified as an effective intervention [ 66 , 69 , 70 , 77 ]. By empowering women and promoting their active participation in agricultural activities, these programs enhanced their economic independence and contributed to more equitable and harmonious family dynamics.

Integrated community-based education and economic empowerment programs were identified as potentially effective primary prevention approaches to addressing GBV. By addressing attitudes, beliefs, and behaviours that perpetuate violence, these programs focused on transforming social norms and promoting positive masculinity [ 66 , 78 ]. Simultaneously, such programs provided opportunities for economic empowerment, giving individuals the means to thrive and reducing their vulnerability to GBV [ 18 ]. Gender dialogue groups involving women and their male partners were also implemented as part of economic empowerment programs. These groups provided a platform for open discussions on gender roles, norms and power dynamics, facilitating a deeper understanding and encouraging joint efforts to challenge and overcome GBV [ 78 ].

Research in Cambodia, for example, highlighted the role of economic development and primary production training programs in fostering increased recognition of gender equality [ 61 ]. Agricultural colleges also played a role in addressing GBV by delivering interventions and staff training to address GBV issues [ 79 , 80 ]. By incorporating GBV education and awareness into the curriculum, and by using innovative approaches to address GBV, for example through “serious games” which included digital storytelling involving action characters and avatars, colleges were able to shape the attitudes and behaviours of future agricultural professionals and foster a culture of respect and equality [ 79 , 80 ]. Finally, the promotion of ‘agrofeminist’ movements which sought to address gender inequality and promote women’s rights and agency, contributed to raising awareness of the unique challenges faced by women producers [ 81 ].

While primary prevention strategies focus on preventing GBV before it occurs, secondary prevention strategies are equally crucial to respond to the experiences and impacts of violence. Integrated approaches that addressed GBV in agricultural communities were crucial for fostering safer and more equitable environments [ 18 , 50 , 66 , 69 , 70 , 75 , 79 , 80 , 82 ]. In the context of addressing GBV in the agricultural sector, the emphasis on secondary prevention measures was relatively limited. However, interventions such as couple mediation, conflict resolution, and programs targeting husbands and fathers did demonstrate positive impacts on promoting healthier relationships [ 66 , 79 , 82 ]. These initiatives sought to engage men as allies in the fight against GBV and encouraged them to become active participants in fostering gender equality [ 78 ]. To ensure the effectiveness of interventions, a case-by-case approach to the interaction and engagement of both men and women was highlighted [ 63 , 83 ]. Authors also highlighted the importance of developing context specific programs that address the social norms perpetuating GBV and aim to dispel the stigma associated with this issue [ 18 , 66 , 73 , 80 ]. The importance of thoroughly evaluating prevention strategies, both within and beyond the intervention period, was also highlighted [ 18 , 55 ].

As this scoping review reveals, there is a paucity in current state of knowledge regarding GBV in the context of women primary producers in LMICs. With just 49 relevant published research studies in the period from 2012 to June 2022, the body of research is not commensurate with the magnitude of the issue of GBV. Several authors have attempted to address the knowledge gap on GBV in agriculture, however, they face challenges due to under-reporting of GBV among women primary producers. Under reporting of GBV occurs worldwide and is not limited to LMICs [ 84 , 85 ]. As such, the true extent of GBV perpetrated against women globally is far from fully understood. To gain sufficient insights into the extent of the challenge of GBV faced by women primary producers in LMICs, strategies for capturing data on GBV must be improved. Contextual research to better understand the reasons for under reporting is being undertaken [ 86 , 87 ]. Furthermore, novel data collection approaches to capture prevalence data, including methods that increase respondent privacy and anonymity, are being trialed worldwide [ 84 , 88 ]. Recent research from HICs underscores the crucial role of healthcare professionals in recognising and responding to GBV [ 89 , 90 ]. These studies show promising outcomes, and highlight the importance of creating private, secure, and supportive settings where women can feel at ease to disclose and possibly report such incidents. Scant as the body of research may be, our scoping review did reveal that the forms and nature of GBV in agricultural settings is varied and complex. Our scoping review was, therefore, able to identify several research gaps and recommendations for future investigation.

Our findings highlight the limited focus on exploring and reporting women’s experiences of violence. The issue of under-reporting of GBV experiences among women is significant, contributing to a limited understanding of the nature of experiences and the likelihood of its impacts on women’s everyday life [ 2 ]. Efforts to capture the nature and extent of GBV have been made, employing quantitative survey approaches and tools like the Women’s Empowerment in Agriculture Index (WEAI) [ 91 ]. However, these approaches sit uneasily alongside feminist critiques of quantitative approaches in adequately capturing women’s lived experiences [ 92 ]. Our findings support the use of qualitative approaches to better understand the unique experiences of women, and the complexities of violence within specific cultural and contextual settings [ 16 , 92 ]. By centering the voices and experiences of women producers who have lived through GBV, lived experience research empowers women to share their stories and ensures their perspectives are heard.

Our findings also draw attention to the limited scholarship on psychological forms of GBV in this setting. Women who are exposed to ongoing psychological abuse often suffer from long-term chronic mental health issues [ 93 ]. Unfortunately, most cases are treated without recognising GBV as a factor influencing mental health and overall well-being [ 94 ]. The limited data on this issue may be attributed to local understandings of what constitutes GBV; research that explores the cultural context and local understandings of GBV is warranted. Future research could also focus on psychological forms of GBV and how this intersects with other social and environmental factors that come into play in production settings. More specifically, survivor-led, trauma informed research approaches which draw upon women’s diverse and intersectional lived experiences [ 95 , 96 ] are suggested to explore the complex and lasting impacts of GBV on women producers.

The influence of underlying social, cultural, economic and political factors leading to various forms of GBV have also been highlighted. In line with research undertaken by Hatcher et al. [ 6 ], we argue that more context specific research is required to better understand the extent and impact of GBV on women producers in LMICs. Power inequalities have historically been a significant feature of research in LMICs [ 97 ]. As noted by Thomas et al. [ 98 ], the power differentials are amplified further in the context of GBV research, with gender-based structural and cultural inequalities perpetuating the conditions in which violence can occur.

Participatory research approaches in tandem with meaningful research partnerships, offer a potential route to explore the issue of GBV in agricultural settings. Approaches such as Community Based Participatory Research (CBPR) [ 99 ], enable local research capacity and seek to redress the power imbalance that underpin violence and gender inequalities [ 95 , 98 ]. We also argue for inclusive research approaches that incorporate the voices and lived experiences of women and men from diverse social groups. Research undertaken by CGIAR [ 100 ] to explore how gender norms affect, access and benefit from agricultural innovation, also notes the importance of participatory research approaches which gather contextually grounded evidence from “locals who crosscut society groupings”.

Our findings highlight the influence of deeply rooted patriarchy within many LMICs, where prevailing models of masculinity typically normalize violence as a legitimate means of resolving conflict or expressing anger, and where GBV is often dismissed [ 101 ]. In many LMICs, women producers face limited power in decisions about production, lack access to resources, and experience a lack of control over household incomes derived from agricultural activities [ 102 ]. Despite the submissive status of women in most LMICs, women bear responsibility for feeding their families and ensuring household food security [ 103 ]. This creates a critical paradox where women with limited access to decision-making, resources, and finances face the highest pressure to increase productivity to sustain the income required to manage the everyday essentials for their families.

In LMICS, women’s marginalised status is intensified by the consistent threat of violence if they fail to fulfill their sanctioned roles in the family and society. With the direct link between experiences of GBV, women’s capacity to participate in social and economic activities, and their sense of wellbeing, it remains critical to highlight the influence of patriarchal systems that further restrict women’s agency [ 104 ]. Future qualitative research could explore how deeply rooted patriarchy and rights to inheritance, such as land rights, contribute to gender-based violence in agriculture in LMICs. Research could also explore how cultural norms, traditions, and patriarchal systems restrict women producers from having ownership and control of their lives in LMICs. Importantly, men’s involvement in research is critical in addressing the gendered dynamics around GBV; men’s involvement demonstrates solidarity and shared responsibility in addressing GBV [ 16 , 105 ]. Identifying ways in which men as well as women in LMICs can be safely engaged in future research, is an important step.

Our review also notes that, to identify effective interventions, an understanding of the context in which GBV occurs is needed. A blanket approach to developing interventions risks being ineffective, or worse, exacerbating the risks for women and girls [ 16 , 92 ]; so context specific and culturally responsive approaches are necessary to address GBV in LMICs. Just as the factors that lead to GBV are complex, so too are the measures needed to devise culturally effective interventions for reducing GBV [ 4 , 5 ]. A range of intersecting factors, such as coping strategies used by women primary producers, historical or traditional foundations of gender norms, government policy, the efficacy of the justice system, education, economic situation, resource availability, marital customs, and land inheritance customs, contribute to the complexity of developing effective GBV interventions. There is a need, therefore, to approach these intersecting factors at a fundamental level. Future research should focus on how to develop a comprehensive framework to guide the design and implementation of GBV interventions in agriculture, considering the intersecting factors and complexities involved. Culturally appropriate and gender-sensitive monitoring indicators of interventions on men and women are also an important area for future research.

Finally, the interaction between climate change and GBV in agricultural settings in LMICs is a significant gap in the literature. While some studies have highlighted the link between climate change and GBV risk [ 67 , 71 , 72 , 77 ], the impact of climate change on primary production and its potential to exacerbate GBV risk remains unclear in the peer-reviewed literature. Although, there is increasing recognition that in some contexts, women in agriculture and food systems are more impacted by the adverse effects of climate change compared to men [ 106 ], further investigation into the complex interplay between climate change and GBV is warranted.

Limitations.

Although this scoping reviewed 49 articles and provides a baseline understanding regarding GBV in the context of women primary producers in LMICs, the review had several limitations. Firstly, the inclusion criteria were restricted to studies published in English in a peer-reviewed journal. We may have missed critical points published in the grey literature or presented in another language, however, given the wide range of results from quality studies, it is unlikely that significant findings were missed. The use of scoping review methodology is a comprehensive, rigorous, and a well-applied method of searching evidence [ 31 ], however, the review did not include a critical appraisal of the studies included, which may have limited the ability to assess the validity and reliability of the findings. Using multiple reviewers at each stage of review, and inclusion criteria forms added strength to the review.

The effectiveness of search terms in scoping reviews is crucial for ensuring a comprehensive range of relevant studies is included in the analysis. It is important, therefore, to acknowledge the inherent limitations of relying solely on specific keywords to capture the breadth of a particular field, especially in a context where culturally aligned terms exist. In regions such as Melanesia, for example, small area vegetable and fruit gardening systems, may constitute a predominant form of agriculture, but may not be referred to as such. The narrow scope of search terms such as “agriculture” or “farming”, for example, may have inadvertently excluded such studies from the review. Moreover, the scoping review was also challenged by different meanings and definitions of GBV. Depending on the specific definition used, certain studies or aspects of GBV may have been excluded, leading to a narrower scope. While the authors considered various terms and synonyms associated with GBV as part of the search strategy, the different meanings and definitions posed challenges in terms of the scope, comparability, and interpretation of findings.

Many articles in our scoping review were able to articulate the often-unique challenges faced by women primary producers or women who live in agricultural/rural settings with regards to GBV. While studies varied in their findings on some of the interactions between GBV and agricultural settings, like the role of climate change and the impact of involving men in interventions, common threads bound the body of research together. These included the role of sociocultural factors in GBV, the impact of GBV on women’s agricultural livelihood activities and contemporary or historical aspects of primary production that shape attitudes toward GBV. The links between patterns or attitudes of GBV and the agricultural context was a common feature of study findings and informed recommendations for future research or interventions.

Our findings call for more qualitative and participatory research approaches to better understand the unique experiences of women and the complexities of violence within specific cultural and contextual settings. Our findings also highlight the limited scholarship on psychological forms of GBV in this setting, and the need for survivor-led, trauma-informed research approaches which draw upon women’s diverse and intersectional lived experiences. The importance of understanding the sociocultural and economic context in which GBV occurs to identify effective interventions, and the need for culturally appropriate and gender-sensitive indicators that can monitor the impact of interventions on men and women is required. Finally, our findings highlight the influence of deeply rooted patriarchy within many LMICs, where prevailing models of masculinity typically normalize violence as a legitimate means of resolving conflict or expressing anger, and where GBV is often dismissed. Future research needs to explore how deeply rooted patriarchy contributes to gender-based violence in agriculture in LMICs, and importantly involve both men and women in the dialogue.

Data availability

The datasets used and/or analysed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.

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Research was funded through the Australian Centre for International Agricultural Research (ACIAR). SSS-2022-116.

CQ University, Bruce Highway, Rockhampton, Queensland, Q 4670, Australia

Cathy O’Mullan, Saba Sinai & Sabitra Kaphle

C.O. and S.S were both involved in the entire scoping review process, from conceptualization to writing of this manuscript. S.K. SB provided senior technical input throughout the process. All authors reviewed and contributed to the final manuscript. All authors read and approved final manuscript.Acknowledgements: The authors would like to acknowledge Ms Rebecca Pepame Robinson for her constructive feedback on the final draft of the manuscript. The authors would also like to thank the Australian Centre for International Agricultural Research (ACIAR), for funding this reserach.

Correspondence to Cathy O’Mullan .

The authors declare no competing interests.

Open Access This article is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License, which permits use, sharing, adaptation, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons licence, and indicate if changes were made. The images or other third party material in this article are included in the article’s Creative Commons licence, unless indicated otherwise in a credit line to the material. If material is not included in the article’s Creative Commons licence and your intended use is not permitted by statutory regulation or exceeds the permitted use, you will need to obtain permission directly from the copyright holder. To view a copy of this licence, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ . The Creative Commons Public Domain Dedication waiver ( http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/ ) applies to the data made available in this article, unless otherwise stated in a credit line to the data.

O’Mullan, C., Sinai, S. & Kaphle, S. A scoping review on the nature and impact of gender based violence on women primary producers. BMC Women's Health 24 , 395 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12905-024-03228-3

Received : 06 October 2023

Accepted : 24 June 2024

Published : 09 July 2024

DOI : https://doi.org/10.1186/s12905-024-03228-3

• Gender based violence
• Agriculture
• Low income countries
• Women producers

BMC Women's Health

ISSN: 1472-6874

• Submission enquiries: [email protected]

• DOI: 10.1007/s43545-024-00926-5
• Corpus ID: 271076000

Shadow of justice: review on women’s struggle against gender-based violence in Ghana and South Africa

• Prosper Bazaanah , Pride Ngcobo
• Published in SN Social Sciences 8 July 2024
• Sociology, Political Science

29 References

Gender-based violence – an increasing epidemic in south africa, gender-based violence in south africa: a narrative reflection, men’s conceptualization of gender-based violence directed to women in alexandra township, johannesburg, south africa, women’s political participation and performance as local government authorities under ghana’s decentralization system, government responses to gender-based violence during covid-19, marriage and culture within the context of african indigenous societies: a need for african cultural hermeneutics, spatial geographies, socio-demographic factors and social trust in women's organisations in africa, community cohesion and violence against women in ghana, pakistan, and south sudan: a secondary data analysis, the heavy economic toll of gender-based violence: evidence from sub-saharan africa, the influence of community leaders on the criminal justice system of gender-based violence in west africa: a case study of nigeria and ghana, related papers.

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DHS Announces New Resources to Combat Gender-Based Violence

The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) Council on Combating Gender-Based Violence (CCGBV) has launched a Combating Gender-Based Violence webpage. This new page is an online hub for information and resources related to gender-based violence (GBV). The site provides an overview of GBV, as well as links to trainings for law enforcement and the public, and information on immigration options available to survivors of human trafficking, domestic violence and other crimes. 

Addressing GBV is a priority  of the Department. Recent initiatives to prevent and address GBV in the United States include the CCGBV Directive 002-03 and Instruction 002-03-001 , finalized in November 2023, to advance DHS’s efforts to address gender-based violence by using a victim-centered approach. The instruction includes:  

• The development of a new mandatory training on GBV and the victim-centered approach for employees and contractors who interact with survivors of GBV. 

A new requirement that DHS components and offices that meet the definition of a T visa or U visa certifying agency provide copies of their certification policies to the CCGBV. 

Informational resources provided to DHS personnel on GBV and secondary (vicarious) trauma to equip them with the knowledge and resources to effectively serve survivors of gender-based violence. 

DHS is committed to combating all forms of GBV, including domestic violence, sexual violence, stalking, forced marriage, female genital mutilation or cutting, and more. Through the CCGBV, DHS ensures that policies combating gender-based violence are consistent Department-wide and that the Department takes a victim-centered approach to implementing all its programs and policies. Visit the Combating Gender-Based Violence webpage and follow DHS on Facebook , Instagram and X (formerly known as Twitter) for updates on our work on GBV and other important issues. 

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Gender-Based Violence and the Effects on Behavioral Health

As defined by the 2023 U.S. National Plan to End Gender-Based Violence (PDF | 1.6 MB) , gender-based violence (GBV) refers to a range of interpersonal violence across the life course, including sexual violence, intimate partner violence (AKA domestic violence), stalking and other interconnected forms of violence and coercive control. GBV survivors are at higher risk for depression, anxiety, substance misuse disorders, post-traumatic stress disorder and suicide attempts.

SAMHSA is committed to addressing the prevention of gender-based violence (GBV) and the treatment, support, and recovery of survivors.

Fortunately, there are effective ways to prevent GBV and to support survivors. Recovery to live a fulfilling, productive and happy life is more than possible.

Gender-Based Violence Prevalence Statistics

According to the 2023 U.S. National Plan to End Gender-Based Violence:

• More than half of women (54.3%) and nearly one-third (31%) of men in the United States reported some form of sexual violence victimization involving physical contact (contact sexual violence) at some point in their lifetimes.
• About 41% of women and 26% of men reported having experienced, at some point in their lifetimes, contact sexual violence, physical violence, and/or stalking by an intimate partner that resulted in an intimate partner violence-related impact (including, for example, injury or concern for safety, need for housing or legal services, or help from law enforcement).
• 1 in 3 women and 1 in 6 men reported being a victim of stalking in their lifetimes that made them fearful, threatened, or concerned for their safety.

SAMHSA Blog: Domestic Violence Awareness Month

October is Domestic Violence Awareness Month, and SAMHSA is joining our federal partner agencies in raising awareness of domestic violence (also known as intimate partner violence) throughout our nation. The link between gender-based violence and its impact on behavioral health is strong.

U.S. National Plan to End Gender-Based Violence

The White House released the U.S. National Plan to End Gender-Based Violence: Strategies for Action (GBV National Plan) in May 2023. This first-ever plan is a comprehensive, government-wide approach to prevent and address sexual violence, intimate partner violence, stalking, and other connected forms of violence and coercive control.

White House Releases National Plan

On May 25, 2023, the White House released the first-ever National Plan to End Gender-Based Violence (GBV), a comprehensive, government-wide approach to preventing and addressing GBV in the United States.

U.S. National Plan to End Gender-Based Violence: Strategies for Action

The plan advances an unprecedented and comprehensive approach to preventing and addressing sexual violence, intimate partner violence, stalking, and other forms of gender violence.

SAMHSA’s Implementation of the U.S. National Plan to End Gender-Based Violence

The release of the GBV National Plan provides an opportunity to raise awareness about the link between GBV and mental health and substance use and to take further action.

SAMHSA has joined its sister Operating Divisions in the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, along with other federal agencies in implementing an interdepartmental approach. SAMHSA is also continuously engaged with external partners and stakeholders, including those with lived experience, to enhance the agency’s work.

HHS Factsheet: HHS Celebrates One-Year Anniversary of the U.S. National Plan to End Gender-Based Violence with Fact Sheet of Recent Accomplishments .

For inquiries regarding SAMHSA's implementation of the GBV National Plan, please email [email protected] .

Finding Help

There are several national hotlines available to address the different forms of GBV.

Sexual Violence

National Sexual Assault Hotline Phone:  (800) 656-4673 Website:  National Sexual Assault Hotline

Department of Defense (DOD) Safe Helpline for Sexual Assault Phone:  (877) 995-5247 Website:  Department of Defense (DOD) Safe Helpline for Sexual Assault

Domestic Violence

National Domestic Violence Hotline Phone:  (800) 799-SAFE TTY: (800) 787-3224 Text "START" to 88788 Website:  National Domestic Violence Hotline

National Teen Dating Abuse Hotline Phone:  (866) 331-9474 Text: 22522 Website:  National Teen Dating Abuse Hotline

StrongHearts Native Helpline Phone:  (844) 762-8483 Website:  StrongHearts Native Helpline

National Domestic Violence Hotline Phone:  (800) 799-SAFE TTY: (800) 787-3224 Website:  National Domestic Violence Hotline

Human Trafficking

National Human Trafficking Hotline Phone:  (888) 373-7888 Text: 233733 Website:  National Human Trafficking Hotline

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Gender-based violence in South Africa

Gender-based violence in south africa – understand.

Civil society organisations across the country formed the National Strategic Plan on Gender-Based Violence campaign, demanding a fully-costed, evidence-based, multi-sectoral, inclusive and comprehensive NSP to end GBV. [Photo: Alexa Sedgwick, Sonke Gender Justice]

Gender-based violence (GBV) is a profound and widespread problem in South Africa, impacting on almost every aspect of life. GBV (which disproportionately affects women and girls) is systemic, and deeply entrenched in institutions, cultures and traditions in South Africa.

This introduction will explore what GBV is and some of the forms it takes, examine GBV in South Africa, and begin to explore what different actors are doing to respond to GBV.

GBV occurs as a result of normative role expectations and unequal power relationships between genders in a society.

There are many different definitions of GBV, but it can be broadly defined as “the general term used to capture violence that occurs as a result of the normative role expectations associated with each gender, along with the unequal power relationships between […] genders, within the context of a specific society.” [1]

The expectations associated with different genders vary from society to society and over time. Patriarchal power structures dominate in many societies, in which male leadership is seen as the norm, and men hold the majority of power. Patriarchy is a social and political system that treats men as superior to women – where women cannot protect their bodies, meet their basic needs, participate fully in society and men perpetrate violence against women with impunity [2].

Forms of gender-based violence

There are many different forms of violence, which you can read more about here . All these types of violence can be – and almost always are – gendered in nature, because of how gendered power inequalities are entrenched in our society.

GBV can be physical, sexual, emotional, financial or structural, and can be perpetrated by intimate partners, acquaintances, strangers and institutions. Most acts of interpersonal gender-based violence are committed by men against women, and the man perpetrating the violence is often known by the woman, such as a partner or family member [3].

Violence against women and girls (VAWG)

GBV is disproportionately directed against women and girls [4]. For this reason, you may find that some definitions use GBV and VAWG interchangeably, and in this article, we focus mainly on VAWG.

Violence against LGBTI people

However, it is possible for people of all genders to be subject to GBV. For example, GBV is often experienced by people who are seen as not conforming to their assigned gender roles, such as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and/or intersex people.

More information

For more information on intimate partner violence and domestic violence, read this WHO brief

Intimate partner violence (IPV)

IPV is the most common form of GBV and includes physical, sexual, and emotional abuse and controlling behaviours by a current or former intimate partner or spouse, and can occur in heterosexual or same-sex couples [5].

Domestic violence (DV)

Domestic violence refers to violence which is carried out by partners or family members. As such, DV can include IPV, but also encompasses violence against children or other family members.

Sexual violence (SV)

Sexual violence is “any sexual act, attempt to obtain a sexual act, unwanted sexual comments or advances, or acts to traffic, or otherwise directed, against a person’s sexuality using coercion, by any person regardless of their relationship to the victim, in any setting, including but not limited to home and work.” [6]

What is violence?

For more information on forms of violence, read our introduction on " What is violence? "

Indirect (structural) violence

Structural violence is “where violence is built into structures, appearing as unequal power relations and, consequently, as unequal opportunities.

Structural violence exists when certain groups, classes, genders or nationalities have privileged access to goods, resources and opportunities over others, and when this unequal advantage is built into the social, political and economic systems that govern their lives.”

Because of the ways in which this violence is built into systems, political and social change is needed over time to identify and address structural violence.

GBV in South Africa

Societies free of GBV do not exist, and South Africa is no exception [7].

Although accurate statistics are difficult to obtain for many reasons (including the fact that most incidents of GBV are not reported [10] ), it is evident South Africa has particularly high rates of GBV, including VAWG and violence against LGBT people.

Population-based surveys show very high levels of intimate partner violence (IPV) and non-partner sexual violence (SV) in particular, with IPV being the most common form of violence against women.

• Whilst people of all genders perpetrate and experience intimate partner and or sexual violence, men are most often the perpetrators and women and children the victims [7].
• More than half of all the women murdered (56%) in 2009 were killed by an intimate male partner [8].
• Between 25% and 40% of South African women have experienced sexual and/or physical IPV in their lifetime [9, 10].
• Just under 50% of women report having ever experienced emotional or economic abuse at the hands of their intimate partners in their lifetime [10].
• Prevalence estimates of rape in South Africa range between 12% and 28% of women ever reporting being raped in their lifetime [10-12].
• Between 28 and 37% of adult men report having raped a women [10, 13].
• Non-partner SV is particularly common, but reporting to police is very low. One study found that one in 13 women in Gauteng had reported non-partner rape, and only one in 25  rapes had been reported to the police [10].
• South Africa also faces a high prevalence of gang rape [14].
• Most men who rape do so for the first time as teenagers and almost all men who ever rape do so by their mid-20s [15].
• There is limited research into rape targeting women who have sex with women. One study across four Southern African countries, including South Africa, found that 31.1% of women reported having experienced forced sex [16].
• Male victims of rape are another under-studied group. One survey in KwaZulu-Natal and the Eastern Cape found that 9.6% of men reported having experienced sexual victimisation by another man [17].

Drivers of GBV

Drivers of GBV are the factors which lead to and perpetuate GBV. Ultimately, gendered power inequality rooted in patriarchy is the primary driver of GBV.

GBV (and IPV in particular) is more prevalent in societies where there is a culture of violence, and where male superiority is treated as the norm [18]. A belief in male superiority can manifest in men feeling entitled to sex with women, strict reinforcement of gender roles and hierarchy (and punishment of transgressions), women having low social value and power, and associating masculinity with control of women [18].

These factors interact with a number of drivers, such as social norms (which may be cultural or religious), low levels of women’s empowerment, lack of social support, socio-economic inequality, and substance abuse.

In many cultures, men’s violence against women is considered acceptable within certain settings or situations [18] - this social acceptability of violence makes it particularly challenging to address GBV effectively.

In South Africa in particular, GBV “pervades the political, economic and social structures of society and is driven by strongly patriarchal social norms and complex and intersectional power inequalities, including those of gender, race, class and sexuality.” [19].

Impact of gender-based violence

GBV is a profound human rights violation with major social and developmental impacts for survivors of violence, as well as their families, communities and society more broadly.

On an individual level, GBV leads to psychological trauma, and can have psychological, behavioural and physical consequences for survivors. In many parts of the country, there is poor access to formal psychosocial or even medical support, which means that many survivors are unable to access the help they need. Families and loved ones of survivors can also experience indirect trauma, and many do not know how to provide effective support.

Jewkes and colleagues outline the following impacts of GBV and violence for South Africa as a society more broadly [20]:

• South African health care facilities – an estimated 1.75 million people annually seek health care for injuries resulting from violence
• HIV – an estimated 16% of all HIV infections in women could be prevented if women did not experience domestic violence from their partners. Men who have been raped have a long term increased risk of acquiring HIV and are at risk of alcohol abuse, depression and suicide.
• Reproductive health - women who have been raped are at risk of unwanted pregnancy, HIV and other sexually transmitted infections.
• Mental health - over a third of women who have been raped develop post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), which if untreated persists in the long term and depression, suicidality and substance abuse are common. Men who have been raped are at risk of alcohol abuse, depression and suicide.

Violence also has significant economic consequences. The high rate of GBV places a heavy burden on the health and criminal justice systems, as well as rendering many survivors unable to work or otherwise move freely in society.

A 2014 study by KPMG also estimated that GBV, and in particular violence against women, cost the South African economy a minimum of between R28.4 billion and R42.4 billion, or between 0.9% and 1.3% of gross domestic product (GDP) in the year 2012/2013. [21]

What do we do?

South Africa is a signatory to a number of international treaties on GBV, and strong legislative framework, for example the Domestic Violence Act (DVA) (1998), the Sexual Offences Act (2007) and the Prevention and Combatting of Trafficking in Human Persons (2013) Act” [22].

Response services aim to support and help survivors of violence in a variety of ways. Prevention initiatives look at how GBV can be prevented from happening.

Whilst international treaties and legislation is important it is not enough to end GBV and strengthen responses.

Addressing GBV is a complex issue requiring multi-faceted responses and commitment from all stakeholders, including government, civil society and other citizens. There is growing recognition in South Africa of the magnitude and impact of GBV and of the need to strengthen the response across sectors.

Prevention and Response

For more information, check the page What Works in preventing GBV

Broadly speaking, approaches to addressing GBV can be divided into response and prevention . Response services aim to support and help survivors of violence in a variety of ways (for instance medical help, psychosocial support, and shelter). Prevention initiatives look at how GBV can be prevented from happening. Response services can in turn contribute towards preventing violence from occurring or reoccurring.

Responses are important. Major strides are being made internationally on how to best respond and provide services for survivors of violence. WHO guidelines describe an appropriate health sector response to VAW – including providing post-rape care and training health professionals to provide these services [32].

WHO does not recommend routine case identification (or screening) in health services for VAW exposure, but stresses the importance of mental health services for victims of trauma.

Need to address underlying causes

Much of our effort in South Africa has been focused on response. However – our response efforts need to be supported and complemented by prevention programming and policy development. By addressing the underlying, interlinked causes of GBV, we can work towards preventing it from happening in the first place.

SACQ: Primary prevention

For more information on prevention programmes that work, have a look at the South African Crime Quarterly 54 on evidence-based primary prevention.

Violence prevention policies and programmes should be informed by the best evidence we have available. Programmes that are evidence based are [35]:

• built on what has been done before and has been found to be effective;
• informed by a theoretical model;
• guided by formative research and successful pilots; and
• multi-faceted and address several causal factors.

Several GBV prevention programmes which have support for effectiveness have been implemented in South Africa. A summary of the prevention programmes mentioned below can be found in the South African Crime Quarterly 51: Primary prevention (see table on pgs. 35-38):

• Thula Sana: Promote mothers’ engagement in sensitive, responsive interactions with their infants
• The Sinovuyo Caring Families Programme: Improve the parent–child relationship, emotional regulation, and positive behaviour management approaches
• Prepare: Reduce sexual risk behaviour and intimate partner violence, which contribute to the spread of sexually transmitted diseases (STIs)
• Skhokho Supporting Success: Prevent IPV among young teenagers
• Stepping Stones: Promote sexual health, improve psychological wellbeing and prevent HIV
• Stepping Stones / Creating Futures: Reduce HIV risk behaviour and victimisation and perpetration of different forms of IPV and strengthen livelihoods
• IMAGE (Intervention with Microfinance for AIDS and Gender Equity): Improve household economic wellbeing, social capital and empowerment and thus reduce vulnerability to IPV and HIV infection

Importance to develop evidence base

At the same time, it is important to develop the evidence base further by exploring a range of other interventions that have the potential to be effective in a South African context. Many actors, including government, civil society and funders, as well as community members, are working in creative and innovative ways every day to address GBV.

For example, several civil society organisations are working with women’s groups to build their agency and empower them to address the issues that impact their lives, such as structural and interpersonal violence. Others are tackling specific drivers of GBV, such as substance abuse and gangsterism. Still others take a “whole community” approach to dealing with GBV, involving community members and leaders in the fight against violence in their communities.

Many of these interventions have not yet been formally documented, but they are nevertheless promising models which play an important role in the overall fight against GBV.

While South Africa has high levels of GBV, we are also a leader in the field of prevention interventions in low and middle income countries [36].

We are identifying models which work to respond to and prevent violence, and we can work on scaling those up to reach more people. At the same time, as a society, we can work together to find new ways to address GBV, building the current evidence base and responding to this national crisis.

[1] Bloom, Shelah S. 2008. “Violence Against Women and Girls: A Compendium of Monitoring and Evaluation Indicators.” Carolina Population Center, MEASURE Evaluation, Chapel Hill, North Carolina. https://www.measureevaluation.org/resources/publications/ms-08-30

[2] Sultana, Abeda, Patriarchy and Women’s Subordination: A Theoretical Analysis, The Arts Faculty Journal, July 2010-June 2011 http://www.bdresearch.org/home/attachments/article/nArt/A5_12929-47213-1-PB.pdf

[3] World Health Organisation, 2005, WHO multi-country study on women's health and domestic violence against women. REPORT - Initial results on prevalence, health outcomes and women's responses http://www.who.int/reproductivehealth/publications/violence/24159358X/en/

[4] Decker MR et al., Gender-based violence against adolescent and young adult women in low- and middle-income countries , The Journal of Adolescent Health, 2015. 56(2): p. 188-96.

[5] 1 Garcia-Moreno, C., Responding to intimate partner violence and sexual violence against women. WHO clinical and policy guidelines - what’s new?, in SVRI Forum 2013: Evidence into Action, 14 – 17 October 2013. 2013, Sexual Violence Research Initiative: Bangkok, Thailand.

[6] 2 Jewkes, R., P. Sen, and C. Garcia-Moreno, Sexual Violence in World Report on Violence and Health, E. Krug, et al., Editors. 2002, World Health Organization: Geneva.

[7] 3 Dartnall, E. and R. Jewkes, Sexual Violence against Women: The scope of the problem. Best Practice & Research Clinical Obstetrics & Gynaecology, 2012. Special Issue.

[8] 4 Abrahams, N., et al., Intimate Partner Femicide in South Africa in 1999 and 2009. PLoS medicine, 2013. 10(4).

[9] 5 Jewkes, R., J. Levin, and L. Penn-Kekana, Risk factors for domestic violence: findings from a South African cross-sectional study. Social science & medicine, 2002. 55(9): p. 1603-17.

[10] 6 Machisa, M., et al., The War at Home. 2011, Genderlinks, and Gender and Health Research Unit, South African Medical Research Council (MRC) Johannesburg.

[11] 7 Dunkle, K.L., et al., Prevalence and patterns of gender-based violence and revictimization among women attending antenatal clinics in Soweto, South Africa. American journal of epidemiology, 2004. 160(3): p. 230-9.

[12] 8 Jewkes, R., et al., Understanding Men's Health and Use of Violence: Interface of rape and HIV in South Africa. 2009.

[13] 9 Jewkes, R., et al., Gender inequitable masculinity and sexual entitlement in rape perpetration South Africa: findings of a cross-sectional study. PloS One, 2011. 6(12).

[14] 10 Jewkes, R., Streamlining: understanding gang rape in South Africa. 2012: Forensic Psychological Services, Middlesex University.

[15] 11 Jewkes, R., et al., Why, when and how men rape? Understanding rape perpetration in South Africa. South African Crime Quarterly, 2010. 34(December).

[16] Sandfort, TGM, et al, Forced sexual experiences as risk factor for self-reported HIV Infection among Southern African lesbian and bisexual women, PLoS ONE, 8:1, 2013.

[17] Dunkle, K, et al, Prevalence of consensual male–male sex and sexual violence, and associations with HIV in South Africa: a population-based cross-sectional study, PLoS Medicine, 10:6, 2013.

[18] Jewkes, R, Intimate partner violence: causes and prevention. Lancet, 2002. 359: 1423–29.

[19] Cornelius R., T. Shahrokh and E. Mills. Coming Together to End Gender Violence: Report of Deliberative Engagements with Stakeholders on the Issue of Collective Action to Address Sexual and Gender-based Violence, and the Role of Men and Boys . Evidence Report, 2014. 12 (February), Institute of Development Studies.

[20] 12 Jewkes, R., et al. Preventing Rape and Violence in South Africa: Call for Leadership in A New Agenda For Action. MRC Policy Brief, 2009.

[21] Muller R, Gahan L & Brooks L (2014). Too costly to ignore – the economic impact of gender-based violence in South Africa. Available online . Accessed 16 July 2015.

[22] Moolman, B. Human Sciences Research Council (HRSC) (2016). Research Report on the Status of Gender-based Violence Civil Society Funding in South Africa.

[23] Van Dorn, R., J. Volavka, and N. Johnson, Mental disorder and violence: is there a relationship beyond substance use? Soc Psychiatry Psychiatr Epidemiol, 2012. Mar(47(3)): p. 487-503.

[24] Eckenrode, J., M. Laird, and D. J., School performance and disciplinary problems among abused and neglected children. Dev Psychol., 1993. 29: p. 53-62.

[25] Anda, R.F. and V.J. Felliti, The Relationship of Adverse Childhood Experiences to Adult Medical Disease, Psychiatric Disorders, and Sexual Behavior: Implications for Healthcare., in The Hidden Epidemic: The Impact of Early Life Trauma on Health and Disease., L.R.a.V. E, Editor. 2009, Cambridge University Press: Cambridge.

[26] Anda RF, et al., The enduring effects of abuse and related adverse experiences in childhood. Eur Arch Psychiatry Clin Neurosci, 2006. 256: p. 174-186.

[27] Westad, C. and D. McConnell, Child welfare involvement of mothers with mental health issues. . Community Mental Health Journal, 2012. 48: p. 29-37.

[28] Committee on Child Maltreatment Research, Policy, and Practice for the Next Decade: Phase II; , A.C. Petersen, J. Joseph, and M. Feit, Editors. 2014 Board on Children, Youth, and Families; Committee on Law and Justice; Institute of Medicine; National Research Council: Washington (DC).

[29] Messman-Moore, T.L. and P.J. Long, The role of childhood sexual abuse sequelae in the sexual revictimization of women. Clinical psychology review, 2003. 23(4): p. 537-571.

[30] Millett, L.S., et al., Child maltreatment victimization and subsequent perpetration of young adult intimate partner violence: an exploration of mediating factors. Child Maltreat. , 2013. 18(2)(May): p. 71-84.

[31] Jewkes, R., Rape Perpetration: A review. 2012, Sexual Violence Research Initiative, hosted by the South African Medical Research Council: Pretoria.

[32] WHO, Responding to intimate partner and sexual violence against women: WHO clinical and policy guidelines., D.o.R.H.a. Research, Editor. 2013, World Health Organisation: Geneva.

[33] Jewkes, R., et al., Prospective study of rape perpetration by young South African men: incidence & risk factors for rape perpetration. PLoS ONE, 2012. 7(5): p. e38210.

[34] Jewkes, R., Intimate partner violence: causes and prevention. Lancet, 2002. 359(9315): p. 1423-9.

[35] Dartnall, E. and A. Gevers, Editorial. South African Crime Quarterly, 2015. In press.

[36] Shai NJ and Y. Sikweyiya, Programmes for change: Addressing sexual and intimate partner violence in South Africa. South African Crime Quarterly, 2015. 51(March) .

How the College Application Essay Became So Important

S chool is out and summer is here. Yet future high school seniors and their families are likely already thinking about applying to college — a process that can be as labor-intensive and time-consuming as it is confusing. Students submit SAT scores, grades, references, personal essays, and more, often without a clear sense of what counts most.

The challenges facing college applicants today aren’t new. For over a century, Americans seeking higher education have had to navigate complicated admissions requirements including exams and grades as well as qualitative metrics of assessment, such as references, interviews, and essays.

Collecting so much academic and personal information has given colleges and universities greater control over the kinds of students they admit. In the first half of the 20th century, this information was mainly used to bar some applicants based on race, gender, and religion. Since the social movements of the 1960s and 70s, however, it has been used to do nearly the opposite by expanding access to previously excluded groups. In this process, personal essays have been especially valuable for the unique insights they can offer into applicants’ backgrounds and perspectives. In the context of today’s narrowing national diversity agenda, they are key to promoting inclusion in American higher education.

In the late 19th century, college admission standards were relatively low in America, even at the “Big Three” private universities, Harvard, Yale, and Princeton. In an era when few Americans had more than an eighth-grade education, and even fewer could afford the cost of higher education, there was little competition for admission. Applicants needed only to pass subject matter exams, tests that were rudimentary and could be taken repeatedly until passed. Even those who failed their entrance exams might be admitted if they had elite standing and could pay tuition.

Read More: How to Talk About Race on College Applications, According to Admissions Experts

By the turn of the 20th century, however, demand for higher education was growing. Colleges worked intentionally to admit a broader range of students, dropping archaic requirements like knowledge of Latin and Greek that had previously barred all but the most privileged high school students from applying. More and more qualified applicants competed for fewer available spots, which meant that colleges and universities could be more selective. 

But with more applicants passing exams and earning entry to higher education, private universities became increasingly concerned about the demographics of their student bodies. By the 1910s, as immigration increased, and more public high schools were better preparing students of all backgrounds to meet private entrance requirements, rising numbers of Jewish students were landing spots at the historically Protestant and upper-class universities. With antisemitism on the rise, many private colleges adopted new metrics of admission that could be used to limit the number of “undesirable” students, especially Jewish ones. 

It was at this juncture that selective colleges introduced the application essay to assess students for the amorphous category of "fit." Applications in general became much more involved and intrusive. 

For instance, beginning in 1919, Columbia required prospective students to complete an eight-page form, submit a photo, list their mother’s maiden name, and provide information about their religious background. Even standardized tests could be used to screen students by cultural background. Early entrance exams were heavily biased toward American customs and colloquialisms, putting first-generation immigrants at a disadvantage.

In the wake of World War II, the passage of the GI Bill created a surge in demand for higher education across the country. Between 1950 and 1970, enrollment in colleges and universities in the U.S. nearly quadrupled. 

Although public and private universities expanded in response, they still came under new pressures to bolster selective criteria that would allow them to limit the growth of their student bodies. To ensure spots for students long considered the natural recipients of higher education — especially white, middle-class, Protestant men — private colleges continued to use quotas and other forms of preference such as legacy status to effectively limit the numbers of Jewish students, people of color, and women admitted. Meanwhile, admissions were far from need blind; applying for a scholarship could damage your chance of acceptance.

Public universities like the University of California, Berkeley charted a different course. In the post-war period, the UC system admitted all students who met basic requirements — graduation from an accredited high school along with a principal's recommendation, acceptance by exam, or completion of an Associate’s degree. But public universities now also faced more demand than they could accommodate. Indeed, the 1960s California Master Plan for Higher Education acknowledged that state universities, too, might well have to introduce a selective process for choosing applicants in the face of expanded access across much wider class, geographic, and ethnic backgrounds. 

By the 1960s, a selective application process became common across major private and public universities. But the social movements of the 1960s and 70s forced private universities to drop their formal practices of discrimination and changed the use of personal essays and other qualitative metrics of evaluation in the process. 

For the first time, in the 1960s, admissions officers at historically white and Protestant universities acknowledged that applicants’ academic profiles were deeply shaped by the opportunities — educational, economic, and cultural — available to them, and that these in turn were shaped by students’ race, ethnicity, and sex. 

While special considerations about background had once been used to systematically exclude minorities, in the 1960s they were invoked for the first time to do the opposite, albeit with some striking limitations. 

By looking at applicants from a comprehensive standpoint, which included these markers of identity, even the most selective private universities made major strides in achieving racial diversity in this period. They also dropped quotas and began to admit women on an equal basis with men. Class diversity, however, was another matter — to this day private universities continue to be comparatively socio-economically homogenous despite meaningful shifts in other areas. 

Since the 1970s, the admissions system has only grown increasingly competitive, with more students than ever before applying to college. That forced universities to choose between strong applicants while building their own brands and competitive profiles. This competitive environment has turned the college application essay into a particularly important vehicle in the admissions process for learning about students’ backgrounds and human qualities.

Read More: How the End of Affirmative Action Could Affect the College Admissions Process

In 1975, a small group of mostly East Coast colleges came together to form the Common App — today used by more than 1,000 universities. The Common App led the way in formulating what we now think of as the personal statement, aimed at understanding the inner world of each student.

For more than 50 years now, universities both private and public have evaluated essays for a range of qualities including leadership capacity, creativity, service to the community, and ability to overcome hardship, as part of their admissions decisions. The kinds of questions universities ask, the qualities they seek, and the responses they receive have changed many times and have been shaped by the cultural trends of our times. 

In 2021 for example, following the spread of a global pandemic, the Common App introduced a question about gratitude for the first time. And while the prompts remained unchanged following the 2023 Supreme Court decision in Students for Fair Admissions Inc. (SFFA) v. President & Fellows of Harvard College and SFFA v. University of North Carolina , which formally excluded race as a factor in admissions, universities began to read them for the role of race, ethnicity, and other identities in students’ profiles. In these and many other ways, the essay has only gained value as a way for students to explain the important ways their experiences and identities have shaped their academic profiles.

Still, there have been calls to eliminate the college essay from admissions requirements from both the right and the left, as either frivolously inclusive, or potentially exclusionary. Now, at a time when there are major political constraints on supporting diversity and inclusion at the national level, personal essays give admissions committees important flexibility. They also allow colleges to evaluate students for underrated but essential intellectual and personal qualities hard to observe elsewhere, including the capacity for growth, self-reflection, and awareness of the world around them. 

The history of modern admissions shows how institutions of higher education have sought to engineer their classes, often reinforcing harmful racial, class, and gender hierarchies. There is little objectivity in the metric of “fit” that has shaped American admissions practices. But the Civil Rights era has had a powerful and long-lasting legacy in broadening access through an assessment of applicants that is attentive to identity. However flawed the system, the essay offers something no other metric can: an account of a student’s lived experience, in their own words.

Sarah Stoller is a writer and historian. She also tutors college essay writing.

Made by History takes readers beyond the headlines with articles written and edited by professional historians. Learn more about Made by History at TIME here . Opinions expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of TIME editors .

More Must-Reads from TIME

• Eyewitness Accounts From the Trump Rally Shooting
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Write to Sarah Stoller / Made by History at [email protected]

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• Entering and staying in the UK
• Refugees, asylum and human rights
• Refugee, asylum and human rights claims
• Somalia: country policy and information notes
• UK Visas and Immigration

Country policy and information note: women fearing gender-based violence, Somalia, July 2024 (accessible)

Updated 11 July 2024

© Crown copyright 2024

This publication is licensed under the terms of the Open Government Licence v3.0 except where otherwise stated. To view this licence, visit nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open-government-licence/version/3 or write to the Information Policy Team, The National Archives, Kew, London TW9 4DU, or email: [email protected] .

Where we have identified any third party copyright information you will need to obtain permission from the copyright holders concerned.

This publication is available at https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/somalia-country-policy-and-information-notes/country-policy-and-information-note-women-fearing-gender-based-violence-somalia-july-2024-accessible

Version 5.0, July 2024

Executive summary

This note considers the situation faced by women and girls primarily in Mogadishu, although some of information relates to Somalia generally.

Women and girls have some protections in law.

However, women and girls also face discrimination in law, and social, cultural and official barriers in accessing education, justice and political representation.

Sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) is widespread and likely to be under-reported. This violence can be carried out by family members, members of clan militias, al-Shabaab and the security forces. Domestic violence is the most reported form of SGBV but women may also face conflict-related violence and abuses from societal actors. Female genital mutilation (FGM) is widely practiced and socially accepted.

Women form a particular social group (PSG) within the meaning of the Refugee Convention.

Whether a woman is likely to face SGBV which amounts to persecution will depend on the facts of her case. In general

a woman who fears gender-based violence generally but who has family and/or clan support, has access to remittances and is able to secure access to a livelihood on return will not be at risk of persecution

a woman who is not able to obtain family and/or clan support, does not have access to remittances and is not able access some form of livelihood on return is likely to be at risk of persecution

A woman or girl under the age of 39 who has not yet undergone FGM is likely to be subject to it upon return, which amounts to persecution.

Effective protection is unlikely to be available.

Internal relocation may be viable to Mogadishu for a woman who has not previously lived, depending on her circumstances.

Each case must be considered on its individual facts to the relevant/requisite standard of proof, with the onus on the woman or girl to demonstrate a real risk of persecution or serious harm.

If a claim is refused, it is unlikely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under section 94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002.

About the assessment

The assessment considers the situation of women (and girls) in south-central Somalia, with a focus on Mogadishu. However, the country information (COI) obtained from sources often refers to Somalia generally, which may also include information about the autonomous regions of Puntland and Somaliland. Wherever possible, reference is made to the geographical region to which the COI relates.

This section considers the evidence relevant to this note – that is information in the country information , refugee/human rights laws and policies, and applicable caselaw – and provides an assessment of whether, in general, a woman:

is likely to face a real risk of persecution/serious harm by non-state actors because of her gender

can obtain effective protection from the state (or quasi state bodies)

can relocate within a country or territory to avoid persecution/serious harm

if a claim is refused, it is likely to be certified as ‘clearly unfounded’ under section 94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002.

Decision makers must, however, still consider all claims on an individual basis, taking into account each case’s specific facts.

1. Material facts, credibility and other checks/referrals

1.1 credibility.

1.1.1 For information on assessing credibility, see the instruction on Assessing Credibility and Refugee Status

1.1.2 Decision makers must also check if there has been a previous application for a UK visa or another form of leave. Asylum applications matched to visas should be investigated prior to the asylum interview (see the Asylum Instruction on Visa Matches, Asylum Claims from UK Visa Applicants ).

1.1.3 In cases where there are doubts surrounding a person’s claimed place of origin, decision makers should also consider language analysis testing, where available (see the Asylum Instruction on Language Analysis ).

Official – sensitive: Not for disclosure – Start of section

The information on this page has been removed as it is restricted for internal Home Office use.

Official – sensitive: Not for disclosure – End of section

1.2 Exclusion

1.2.1 Decision makers must consider whether there are serious reasons for considering whether one (or more) of the exclusion clauses is applicable. Each case must be considered on its individual facts and merits.

1.2.2 If the person is excluded from the Refugee Convention, they will also be excluded from a grant of humanitarian protection (which has a wider range of exclusions than refugee status).

1.2.3 For guidance on exclusion and restricted leave, see the Asylum Instruction on Exclusion under Articles 1F and 33(2) of the Refugee Convention , Humanitarian Protection and the instruction on Restricted Leave .

2. Convention reason(s)

2.1.1 Women form a particular social group (PSG) in Somalia within the meaning of the Refugee Convention because they share a common characteristic that cannot be changed and have a distinct identity which is perceived as being different by the surrounding society (see Position of women ).

2.1.2 Although women in Somalia form a PSG, establishing such membership is not sufficient to be recognised as a refugee. The question is whether the particular person will face a real risk of persecution on account of their membership of such a group.

2.1.3 For further guidance on the 5 Refugee Convention grounds see the Asylum Instruction, Assessing Credibility and Refugee Status and Gender issues in the asylum claim.

3.1 Gender-based violence (excluding female genital mutilation)

3.1.1 A woman is not likely to face persecution on return to Mogadishu for that reason alone. Whether a woman will face gender-based violence amounting to persecution will depend on her personal circumstances. SGBV and domestic abuse can take a wide form of actions, and may not be a persistent series of events. Factors to consider include:

who her persecutor is

if she is a lone woman

her family and clan links and support

her financial circumstances

familiarity and links with Mogadishu

ability to secure a livelihood and income in Mogadishu

connections to diaspora communities

likelihood of ending up in an internally displaced persons (IDP) camp.

3.1.2 Thus, in general:

a woman who fears gender-based violence generally but who has family and/or clan support, has access to remittances and is able to secure access to a livelihood on return will not be at real risk of persecution

a woman who is not able to obtain family and/or clan support, does not have access to remittances and is not able access some form of livelihood on return is likely to be at real risk of persecution

3.1.3 While having some protections in law, women face significant official, cultural and social barriers and discrimination in accessing education and justice, and experience restrictions in their family and property rights. They are also under-represented in public life and face barriers in accessing employment (see Social and economic status of women and Equality and discrimination ).

3.1.4 Women and girls face various forms of discrimination and violence at home from spouses and other family and from different actors in society generally. The forms of violence including physical abuse, sexual violence and conflict-related violence. Sources state that violence is widespread with under-reporting likely, however detail is limited. The most comprehensive data set is the federal government’s social and demographic health survey conducted between February 2018 and January 2019. This found that 16% of women aged 15 to 49 reported experiencing physical violence since the age of 12. This varied with location, with women in urban areas more likely to report experiencing violence than those in the countryside. Almost 60% of women reported that husbands committed those acts (see Types of GBV and prevalance ).

3.1.5 Women and girls who are displaced, have disabilities or are from minority groups, are likely to be exposed and more vulnerable to greater levels of violence than women generally (see Types of GBV and prevalance ).

3.1.6 In the country guidance case of AMM and others (conflict; humanitarian crisis; returnees; FGM) Somalia CG [2011] UKUT 00445 (IAC) (28 November 2011) , heard 13 to 21 June and 15 July 2011, promulgated 28 November 2011, which considered the situation in south and central Somalia generally and not specifically regarding women, the Upper Tribunal (UT) held that ‘ … except as regards the issue of FGM, it is unlikely that a proposed return to Mogadishu at the present time will raise Refugee Convention issues.’ (paragraph 371).

3.1.7 The subsequent country guidance case of MOJ & Ors (Return to Mogadishu) Somalia CG [2014] UKUT 00442 (IAC) , heard 10-13, 25 February and 9 September 2014, promulgated 3 October 2014, which considered the humanitarian and security situation, held there was no general risk to an ‘ordinary civilian’ of persecution or serious harm in Mogadishu (para 407(a)).

3.1.8 The UT in MOJ also held generally, applicable to women, with regard to return to Mogadishu:

‘h. If it is accepted that a person facing a return to Mogadishu after a period of absence has no nuclear family or close relatives in the city to assist him in re-establishing himself on return, there will need to be a careful assessment of all of the circumstances. These considerations will include, but are not limited to:

‘(i) circumstances in Mogadishu before departure;

‘(ii) length of absence from Mogadishu;

‘(iii) family or clan associations to call upon in Mogadishu;

‘(iv) access to financial resources;

‘(v) prospects of securing a livelihood, whether that be employment or self employment;

‘(vi) availability of remittances from abroad;

‘(vii) means of support during the time spent in the United Kingdom;

‘(viii) why his ability to fund the journey to the West no longer enables an appellant to secure financial support on return.

‘Put another way, it will be for the person facing return to Mogadishu toexplain why he would not be able to access the economic opportunities that have been produced by the “economic boom”, especially as there is evidence to the effect that returnees are taking jobs at the expense of those who have never been away ’ (paragraph 407).

3.1.9 In the later country guidance case of OA (Somalia) Somalia CG [2022] UKUT 00033 (IAC), heard 14 to 18, and 21 June 2021 , promulgated 2 February 2022, which focussed on the security and humanitarian situations and the treatment of the minority group, the Reer Hamar, in Mogadishu, the UT held that ‘The country guidance given in paragraph 407 of MOJ [including the paragraphs cited above] … remains applicable.’ (paragraph 356(a)). It gave the additional guidance, applicable to men and women returning to Mogadishu:

‘d. Somali culture is such that family and social links are, in general, retained between the diaspora and those living in Somalia. Somali family networks are very extensive and the social ties between different branches of the family are very tight. A returnee with family and diaspora links in this country will be unlikely to be more than a small number of degrees of separation away from establishing contact with a member of their clan, or extended family, in Mogadishu through friends of friends, if not through direct contact.

‘e. In-country assistance from a returnee’s clan or network is not necessarily contingent upon the returnee having personally made remittances as a member of the diaspora. Relevant factors include whether a member of the returnee’s household made remittances, and the returnee’s ability to have sent remittances before their return …

‘i. There is a spectrum of conditions across the IDP camps; some remain as they were at the time of MOJ, whereas there has been durable positive change in a significant number of others. Many camps now feature material conditions that are adequate by Somali standards. The living conditions in the worst IDP camps will be dire on account of their overcrowding, the prevalence of disease, the destitution of their residents, the unsanitary conditions, the lack of accessible services and the exposure to the risk of crime …

‘k. There will need to be a careful assessment of all the circumstances of the particular individual in order to ascertain the Article 3, humanitarian protection or internal relocation implications of an individual’s return.

‘l. If there are particular features of an individual returnee’s circumstances or characteristics that mean that there are substantial grounds to conclude that there will be a real risk that, notwithstanding the availability of the [facilitated return scheme] FRS and the other means available to a returnee of establishing themselves in Mogadishu, residence in an IDP camp or informal settlement will be reasonably likely, a careful consideration of all the circumstances will be required in order to determine whether their return will entail a real risk of Article 3 being breached. Such cases are likely to be rare, in light of the evidence that very few, if any, returning members of the diaspora are forced to resort to IDP camps.

‘m. It will only be those with no clan or family support who will not be in receipt of remittances from abroad and who have no real prospect of securing access to a livelihood on return who will face the prospect of living in circumstances falling below that which would be reasonable for internal relocation purposes.’ (paragraph 356(a, d to m))

3.1.10 The available country evidence does not provide ‘very strong grounds supported by cogent evidence’ to depart from the existing caselaw (see Country Policy and Information Note, Somalia: security and humanitarian situation in Mogadishu ).

3.1.11 For general guidance on assessing risk, see Assessing Credibility and Refugee Status and Gender issues in the asylum claim.

3.2 Female genital mutilation (FGM)

3.2.1 If a women or girl who is under the age of 39, has not been subjected to FGM and has a credible fear of it, she is likely to have a well founded fear of persecution.

3.2.2 FGM continues to occur throughout Somalia with incidence rates estimated to be 99% and a strong belief in the practice persists (see Female genital mutilation (FGM) ).

3.2.3 In AMM and others the UT held: ‘The incidence of FGM in Somalia is universally agreed to be over 90%. The predominant type of FGM is the “pharaonic”, categorised by the World Health Organisation as Type III. The societal requirement for any girl or woman to undergo FGM is strong. In general, an uncircumcised, unmarried Somali woman, up to the age of 39, will be at real risk of suffering FGM.’ (paragraph 609)..

3.2.4 In AMM and others the UT also held:

‘The risk will be greatest in cases where both parents are in favour of FGM. Where both are opposed, the question of whether the risk will reach the requisite level will need to be determined by reference to the extent to which the parents are likely to be able to withstand the strong societal pressures. Unless the parents are from a socio-economic background that is likely to distance them from mainstream social attitudes, or there is some other particular feature of their case, the fact of parental opposition may well as a general matter be incapable of eliminating the real risk to the daughter that others (particularly relatives will at some point inflict FGM on her.’ (para 610)’

3.2.5 Neither MOJ & Ors or OA replaced or made additional findings to AMM and others about the risk of FGM to women or girls. The available country information does not provides very strong grounds supported by cogent evidence to depart from the UT’s findings in AMM and others (see Female genital mutilation (FGM )).

3.2.6 For further guidance on assessing risk, see the Asylum Instructions Assessing Credibility and Refugee Status and Gender issues in the asylum claim.

4. Protection

4.1.1 A woman or girl is unlikely to be able to obtain protection.

4.1.2 The capacity of the formal justice system - the police and the courts - to enforce the law is limited and often ineffective (see Protection and assistance ).

4.1.3 Victims of violence often use informal justice processes including customary law (‘Xeer’). However, the sources report this is not gender-sensitive and can result in discriminatory outcomes for women, especially in cases of gender-based violence (see Protection and assistance ).

4.1.4 For further guidance on assessing state protection, see the Asylum Instruction on Assessing Credibility and Refugee Status and Gender issues in the asylum claim.

5. Internal relocation

5.1.1 A woman (or girl), whether alone or part of a family group, may be able to relocate to Mogadishu, even if she does not originate from there, depending on her particular circumstances. The factors that decision makers must consider are outlined in paragraph 407 of MOJ and paragraph 356 of OA (see Risk above).

5.1.2 For women without a spouse or male protection, especially those originating from minority groups, internal relocation will not be viable in the absence of meaningful support networks.

5.1.3 The law provides the right to freedom of movement for all those lawfully residing in the country. However, insecurity is likely to hinder movement, particularly for lone women, within Mogadishu (see Freedom of movement and the Country Policy and Information Note, Somalia: security and humanitarian situation in Mogadishu ).

5.1.4 For further guidance on assessing internal relocation, see the Asylum Instruction on Assessing Credibility and Refugee Status and Gender issues in the asylum claim.

6. Certification

6.1.1 Where a claim is refused, it is unlikely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under section 94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002.

6.1.2 For further guidance on certification, see Certification of Protection and Human Rights claims under section 94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002 (clearly unfounded claims) .

Country information

About the country information.

This contains publicly available or disclosable country of origin information (COI) which has been gathered, collated and analysed in line with the research methodology . It provides the evidence base for the assessment.

The structure and content of this section follow a terms of reference which sets out the general and specific topics relevant to the scope of this note.

This document is intended to be comprehensive but not exhaustive. If a particular event, person or organisation is not mentioned this does not mean that the event did or did not take place or that the person or organisation does or does not exist.

Decision makers must use relevant country information as the evidential basis for decisions.

section updated: 30 May 2024

7. Demography; social and economic situation

7.1 demography.

7.1.1 Population estimates vary. The US CIA World Factbook stated that the country’s population in 2024 was around 13 million, with just under half (6.4million) female [footnote 1] . However, the UN estimated that the population was around 16 million in 2021 [footnote 2] .

7.1.2 The Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs report, ‘General country of origin information report on Somalia’, June 2023, (NL MOFA report 2023) citing other sources noted: ‘Mogadishu is formally part of the administrative region of Benadir. In fact, that region consists solely of the capital, Mogadishu … According to data from the Integrated food security Phase Classification (hereinafter: IPC), the city’s population was about 2,777,000 (including more than 1 million displaced persons) in August 2022.’ [footnote 3]

7.2 Social and economic status of women

7.2.1 The Federal Government of Somalia’s (FGS), ‘The Somali Demographic and Health Survey 2020’, published in April 2020 (SDHS 2020) based on survey data gathered between February 2018 and January 2019, noted:

‘Over the years, several attempts have been made to improve life for Somali women. The Provisional Constitution of Somalia has a number of positive implications for the status of women, particularly on the involvement of women in leadership and decision-making. However, most Somali women are still either excluded from decision-making and asset ownership, or operate through a patriarchal filter in these areas—mainly due to cultural restrictions on their movement and asset ownership.’ [footnote 4]

7.2.2 The SDHS 2020 noted:

‘The results show that employment varies by place of residence and wealth status of the household. Among women from nomadic areas, 3 percent were currently employed, compared to 12 percent and 11 percent of women from urban and rural areas respectively. More women from wealthier households were employed than in poorer ones; 13 percent of women in the highest wealth quintile were currently employed compared to 3 percent of women in the lowest wealth quintile.’ [footnote 5]

7.2.3 NL MOFA report 2023 citing a range of sources, noted:

‘There were no formal restrictions on women’s access to the labour market in Somalia. According to one source, the extent to which single women in Somalia could survive economically and their economic room for manoeuvre depended mainly on a few individual factors. The extended family and clan or sub-clan played an important role. Through the family or clan/sub-clan network, the woman could, for example, arrange work or access to financial resources. In addition, the woman’s educational level was important. It was easier for women with a higher level of education to survive economically. The biggest challenge for women in the labour market was often not the fact that they were single, but their lack of education, as education was generally given to boys rather than girls.’ [footnote 6]

7.2.4 The Bertelsmann Stiftung Country Report on Somalia covering February 2021 to January 2023, released early 2024 (BTI Somalia report 2024), stated: ‘While women increasingly fulfill crucial economic roles and often serve as the primary breadwinners for their families in Somalia, they face multiple obstacles when seeking political and economic opportunities and often find themselves in low-paying positions within business chains… Women face significant barriers to employment and developing an enterprise and have little access to capital.’ [footnote 7]

7.2.5 UNData estimated that the labour force participation rate for women and girls in 2020 was 21.8% (although the source does not state how this figure was calculated) [footnote 8] .

8. Legal rights

8.1 equality and discrimination.

8.1.1 The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees’s (UNHCR) ‘International Protection Considerations with Regard to People Fleeing Somalia’, September 2022, citing a range of sources, (UNHCR guidelines 2022) noted:

‘Somalia has yet to sign or ratify the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), and has signed but not

ratified the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa … In 2019, Somalia adopted a Women’s Charter, which “calls for full inclusion of women across the political, economic and social spectrum in Somalia” and support for women’s rights, including a 50% quota for women in government positions … Somalia has taken limited steps to try and increase women’s political participation in line with the Charter … However, women are frequently excluded from clan and government leadership structures …

‘Women continue to face serious challenges to the full enjoyment of their economic, social, political and cultural rights … Discrimination against women is pervasive in Somali society … According to the Independent Expert on human rights in Somalia, “the situation of women in Somalia has been characterized by systemic violence.” …

‘Girls, especially in rural areas, face barriers in accessing education … The majority of adult women are illiterate … Women are disproportionately affected by Somalia’s weak healthcare system … In additionwomen are discriminated against in their access to healthcare and procedures, with, for example, doctors refusing to perform “a caesarean section even if the women require it, if their husbands or village elders have not given them permission to undergo the surgery.” … The rate of maternal deaths in Somalia is one of the highest in the world … Female-headed households are among the most vulnerable groups in Somalia.’ [footnote 9]

‘… situation was characterised by marginalisation in areas such as social and political participation …

‘Ahead of the 2022 elections, Prime Minister Mohamed Hussein Roble had announced a target of thirty percent of parliamentary seats to be filled by women. However, this target was not achieved: twenty percent of the elected members of the Lower House and Senate were women. The percentage of female members of parliament thus fell compared to the nearly twenty-five percent of women elected to parliament in the 2016 election …’ [footnote 10]

8.1.2 Freedom House in its ‘Freedom in the World 2023 – Somalia’ report, covering events in 2022, released in March 2023 (FH report 2023), noted:

‘Women’s political participation is limited by discriminatory attitudes and hostility from incumbent elites, and the interests of women are poorly represented in practice. The parliamentary framework mandates a 30 percent quota for women’s representation, but the elections that ended in April 2022 resulted in only 54 women in the House of the People (less than 20 percent); there are 14 women in the Upper House (less than 26 percent) …While the provisional constitution and legal system offer some formal protections against discrimination based on [amongst others] sex … they have little force in practice. Women face widespread disadvantages in areas including housing, education, and employment … Women do not enjoy equal rights to inherit property and are often denied the assets to which they are legally entitled due to discriminatory social norms.’ [footnote 11]

8.1.3 The USSD 2023 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Somalia (USSD human rights report 2023) stated:

‘The law and regulations prohibited discrimination regarding race, sex,disability, political opinion, color, language, or social status. Despite these provisions, women did not have the same status as men and experienced systematic subordination to men. Women experienced discrimination in credit, education, politics, employment, and housing.

‘Only men administered sharia, which often was applied in the interests of men. According to sharia and the local tradition of blood compensation, anyone found guilty of the death of a woman paid to the victim’s family only one-half the amount required to compensate for a man’s death. While formal law and sharia provided women the right to own and dispose of property independently, various legal, cultural, and societal barriers often prevented women from exercising such rights. By law girls and women could inherit only one-half the amount of property to which their brothers were entitled. The labor code required equal pay for equal work, but the government did not enforce the law. There were legal barriers to women working the same hours as men and restrictions on women’s employment in some industries.’ [footnote 12]

8.2 Domestic and gender-based violence

8.2.1 The USSD human rights report 2023 observed ‘The law criminalizes rape of a woman and provides penalties of five to 15 years in prison for violations … Military court penalties for rape include death sentences … There are no federal laws against spousal violence, including rape …’ and that ‘… laws prohibit[…] any form of violence against women … ’ [footnote 13]

8.2.2 The NL MOFA report 2023 noted:

‘In 2018, the Somali cabinet drafted a bill on sexual offences. The Sexual Offences Bill was seen as progressive. It aimed to criminalise a wide range of gender-based violence, including rape and child marriage. The bill set clear tasks for police, investigators and prosecutors and provided specific protection to vulnerable groups such as children, people with disabilities and displaced persons. In response, religious conservative MPs introduced a counter-proposal in 2020 known as the Sexual Intercourse Bill. According to the sources consulted, many of the improvements from the Sexual Offences Bill were reversed in this. Contrary to the provisions of the Sexual Offences Bill, the provisions of the Sexual Intercourse Bill actually eroded the protection of victims of gender-based violence …’ [footnote 14]

8.2.3 Human Rights Watch in its ‘World Report 2024’, covering events in 2023, (HRW report 2024) noted: ‘At [the] time of writing, the sexual offenses bill of 2018, a progressive sexual violence legislation that stalled following backlash , citing religious objections, has not been presented before parliament. The Somali criminal code classifies sexual violence as an “offense against modesty and sexual honor” rather than a violation of bodily integrity.’ [footnote 15]

8.3 Female Genital Mutilation (FGM)

8.3.1 The Danish Immigration Service in their country of origin information report, Somalia: Female Genital Mutilation (FGM), dated February 2021, based on a range of sources, noted:‘Somalia’s provisional constitution describes FGM as being cruel and degrading and likens the practice to torture,but there is no national legislation in place that provides a clear definition of the phenomenon nor criminalises the performance of FGM.’ [footnote 16]

8.3.2 The USSD in its human rights report covering events in 2023 similarly noted: ‘ … the provisional federal constitution described the “circumcision” of women as cruel and degrading, equated it with torture, and prohibited the circumcision of girls … ‘ [footnote 17]

9. Types of gender-based violence (GBV) and prevalance

9.1 overview and drivers of gbv.

9.1.1 The SDHS 2020, based on surveys with over 16,000 women and girls aged between 15 to 49 across Somalia between February 2018 and January 2019 – acknowledging that ‘[t]he collection of data on GBV is often marred by under-reporting due to the culture of silence around the topic’ - stated:

‘ … 14 percent of women aged 15-49 have experienced physical violence since the age of 12, while 8 percent reported they had experienced physical violence in the 12 months preceding the survey. Younger women are more likely to experience physical violence; with 16 percent of women in the 15-19 age group reporting they had experienced violence since the age of 12 and 10 percent in the same age group reporting they experienced violence in the 12 months preceding the survey. Among older women aged 45-49, 11 percent reported they had experienced physical violence since the age of 12, while 4 percent reported they had experienced physical violence in the 12 months preceding the survey. The likelihood of experiencing physical violence does not vary by age … Physical violence is highest among urban women at 18 percent and lowest among nomadic women at 11 percent.’ [footnote 18]

9.1.2 The SDHS 2020 also asked the women and girls interviewed who were the main perpetrators of abuse, noting ‘More than half (59 percent) of women believe that husbands commit the most violent acts against women in the community, and that daughters and sons commit the least violent acts.’ [footnote 19]

9.1.3 The UNHCR guidelines 2022 noted:‘Gender-based violence against women and girls in Somalia remains widespread, with the overall number of cases suffering from “severe underreporting” … GBV increased during the COVID-19 pandemic, and there was a “marked increase” in the number of reported rapes in 2020.’ [footnote 20]

9.1.4 The United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) in their report, ‘Overview of Gender-Based Violence Situation in Somalia - Advocacy Brief, 2022’, published 14 April 2022, (UNPFA report 2022) considering the situation in Somalia generally, noted:

‘The already large number of recorded incidences of Gender-Based Violence (GBV) in 2021 continued to increase in 2022 [NB the source does not provide an absolute number of incidents or relative increase], especially for sexual violence and Intimate Partner Violence (IPV), due to multiple displacements, flooding, droughts and armed conflicts …

‘Since November 2021, over 600,000 people have been displaced due to the unprecedented drought. Rising food prices, sporadic conflict over resources, limited humanitarian support and interrupted market systems have all exacerbated the crisis, eroding livelihoods and crippling traditional coping mechanisms across the country, thus affecting the livelihoods of Somalia’s population … As a result, there have been increasing incidences of IPV, rape, sexual exploitation and harassment, and abuse, with higher impact on women and girls living with disabilities. In Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camps and host communities’ inadequate physical infrastructure; distance to water points and markets; health facilities; schools; poor lightning; lack of doors on toilets; and lack of disaggregation of sanitary facilities are all major factors resulting in the increase of GBV exposure. Distance to distribution centers and lack of specific measures to ensure women’s inclusion and participation in food distributions continue to worsen levels of exposure of women and girls to GBV risks.’ [footnote 21]

9.1.5 The UNFPA report 2022 noted: ‘GBV continues to occur everywhere in Somalia however the data collected in 2021 revealed that 53 per cent of the reported incidents occur in the survivors’ residence, while the remainder others occur on the streets or in gardens, forest and/or bush, in addition to markets and areas of commerce, in the residence of the perpetrator, or around latrines in camp settings.’ [footnote 22]

9.1.6 The 2022 Somalia Humanitarian Response Plan (HRP) for the Gender-Based Violence (GBV) Area of Responsibility (AoR) had estimated that ‘2.3 million people will need GBV programs and services across Somalia … The risk of GBV is more significant for women and adolescent girls living with disabilities who are particularly disadvantaged, due to difficulty to report/escape violence or access services.’ [footnote 23]

9.1.7 The NL MOFA report 2023 noted

‘Single women in Somalia remained vulnerable, especially when living in IDP camps or at informal IDP sites. Here they were at increased risk of experiencing sexual violence. The risk was even higher for women belonging to a minority clan.The main source of protection in Somalia remained the woman’s extended family.When a woman was not with her extended family, her safety decreased. Women who belonged to a majority clan could therefore expect some degree of protection, but according to a source this protection was not complete, as sexual violence could also be committed by members of one’s own clan.’ [footnote 24]

9.1.8 Legal Action Worldwide (LAW), an independent non-profit organisation comprised of human rights lawyers and jurists working in fragile and conflict affected areas, in their report ‘Somalia’s Forgotten Women, Girls and Children: An Agenda for Action to End Sexual and Gender-Based Violence’, published 23 May 2023 (LAW report 2023) noted:

‘Somalia is a patriarchal and militarised society with deeply entrenched gender norms and roles. FGM, child, early and forced marriages (CEFM) and intimate partner violence (IPV) impact the lives of women and girls across the country, and have worsened due to the conflict and ongoing climate shocks across the country and were made worse by the conflict and ongoing climate shocks .…

‘Displacement further the risks of [sexual and gender-based violence] SGBV. In IDP camps, inadequate physical infrastructure, distance to water points, markets, health facilities and schools, poor lighting, lack of doors on toilets and lack of disaggregation of sanitary facilities increase exposure to SGBV. Food insecurity, poverty, lack of income generating activities, and isolation also means that female-headed households and other vulnerable women and adolescent girls are being taken advantage of.… They are exposed to sexual exploitation and other forms of abuse, including providing sex in exchange for food, shelter, clothes and money.

‘COVID-19 has had a devastating impact on women and children, heightening gender-based protection risks and exacerbating an already shocking situation. Disruptions to essential services, school closures, restrictions on movement, loss of income, and increased political tension and insecurity have led to a rising incidence of SGBV, including IPV and FGM. SGBV is known to be under-reported due to stigma and fear of retaliation from a survivor’s own family members and/or perpetrators; this means that there are likely hundreds more victims who did not come forward …

‘Prolonged insecurity and the weak formal justice system-human rights violations and abuses against women and vulnerable groups, especially conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) have been on the rise in Somalia in recent years. Perpetrators are most likely to be from militia groups, criminal gangs, and government forces, and play a key role in furthering injustices against women, particularly in internally displaced communities where social protection is limited.’ [footnote 25]

9.1.9 The USSD human rights report 2023 observed:

‘As was the case in previous years, government forces, militia members, and individuals wearing what appeared to be government or other uniforms reportedly raped women and girls … Gender-based violence, including rape, affected women and girls when going to collect water, going to the market, and cultivating fields. Dominant patterns included the abduction of women and girls for forced marriage and rape, perpetrated primarily by nonstate armed groups, and incidents of rape and gang rape committed by state agents, militias associated with clans, and unidentified armed men … Some survivors of rape were forced to marry perpetrators.

‘Over the past several years the United Nations recorded hundreds of instances of gender-based violence, including sexual violence against women and girls by unidentified armed men, clan militiamen, al-Shabaab elements, and members of state security forces. ’ [footnote 26]

9.2 Conflict-related violence

9.2.1 Human Rights Watch (HRW) in their world report 2023, Somalia - Events of 2022 coering the country generally noted: ‘The UN continued to report incidents of conflict-related sexual and gender-based violence, including of girls, in which the victims were often killed. Sexual violence against displaced women and girls is well documented and humanitarian actors warned enhanced protection measures are needed, including legal and policing reforms as well as improved humanitarian responses.’ [footnote 27]

9.2.2 The UNHCR guidelines 2022 noted:

‘Women and girls in Somalia are subjected to conflict-related sexual violence by “clan militias and Al-Shabaab, the Somali Police Force, the Somali National Army, regional forces and unknown armed elements.” Al-Shabaab uses sexual violence as a tool to “subjugate areas under its de facto control.” In 2021, UNSOM verified conflict-related sexual violence perpetrated against 19 women, one man, 306 girls and one boy, primarily “attributed to unidentified perpetrators, Al-Shabaab and clan militia”.Girls were subjected to rape and to forced marriage. Customary law approaches to rape include forcing the victim to marry the perpetrator. There are reports that families may force unmarried adolescent girls to have abortions.’ [footnote 28]

9.3 Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs)

9.3.1 The UNHCR guidelines 2022 noted:

‘An estimated 2.97 million people are internally displaced in Somalia due to conflict and natural disasters; the number of IDPs is one of the highest in the world … An estimated 43 per cent of IDPs in Somalia have been displaced due to conflict … Many IDPs live in highly precarious conditions and most require emergency humanitarian aid; however, access to humanitarian aid is difficult in many areas due to conflict, generalized violence and other barriers … Women and girls who are displaced are more vulnerable to all types of GBV.’ [footnote 29]

9.3.2 The UNHCR guidelines 2022 noted:

‘Displaced women and girls are particularly vulnerable to GBV, as are women and girls with disabilities, and women from minority clans. Reportedly, divorced and widowed women are also more vulnerable to GBV because they work outside the home and due to societal perceptions that they are looking for a husband. Survivors of GBV are stigmatized, and reportedly fear social and familial exclusion, abandonment and poverty. In some cases, perpetrators have published photos of survivors as a form of cyber violence, resulting in stigmatization and, in at least one case, suicide.’ [footnote 30]

9.3.3 United Nation’s Report of the Secretary-General- Conflict-related sexual violence, covering period from January to December 2022 dated 22 June 2023, (UN SG CRSV report 2023), which looked at the situation in Somalia generally, noted:

‘… internally displaced women and girls were particularly vulnerable to conflict-related sexual violence owing to protracted conflict, structural gender inequality and limited access to justice and services. Difficulties in accessing areas controlled by Al-Shabaab and weak rule of law, as well as clan protection for alleged perpetrators, all contributed to chronic underreporting. The United Nations Assistance Mission in Somalia (UNSOM) verified 19 cases of conflict-related sexual violence, including gang rape, and attempted rape, perpetrated against 14 women and 5 girls. As part of monitoring grave violations against children, the United Nations verified incidents of rape and other forms of sexual violence affecting 219 girls and 2 boys. Almost half of the attacks occurred in isolated areas, including village outskirts and farming fields, with 55 girls attacked in or around displacement sites.’ [footnote 31]

9.3.4 According to UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, (UNOCHA) in its report,Somalia Humanitarian Needs Overview 2023 (February 2023), published 8 February 2023:

‘Approximately 3.0 million IDPs and non-displaced populations across 74 districts in Somalia are in critical need of GBV services, thus the 32 per cent increase of people in need of the GBV AoR compared to the previous year. This increase is due to the impact of severe drought, conflict and displacements which have increased protection risks. Consequently, women and girls have been raped, sexually harassed, abused and exploited due to poor shelter, sanitation, overcrowded camps, poor lighting, long treks to water and service delivery points. In addition, women have been subjected to increasing intimate partner violence (IPV) resulting from friction over limited resources and men’s resistance to change gender roles.’ [footnote 32]

9.3.5 The USSD human rights report 2023 commented on the situation generally:

‘A drought caused by five sequential failed rainy seasons, extreme flooding once rains started, and continued conflict led to an increase in internal displacement, and the country was home to more than 3.8 million IDPs … Increased reports of gender-based violence accompanied increased displacement, including reports of sexual exploitation and abuse committed by various armed groups and state security personnel. Women and children living in IDP settlements were particularly vulnerable to rape by armed men, including government soldiers and militia members. Gatekeepers in control of some IDP camps reportedly forced girls and women to provide sex in exchange for food and services within the settlements.’ [footnote 33]

9.3.6 Amnesty International in their report ‘The State of the World’s Human Rights; Somalia 2023’, published 24 April 2024 noted:

‘Internally displaced people continued to face significant human rights violations and abuses. More than 2.9 million people were displaced due to the floods, drought, conflict and food insecurity. According to the UN, over 105,000 individuals – the majority already internally displaced people – were forcibly evicted between January and December across the country.

‘Most of those displaced were older people, children and women, including pregnant women and lactating mothers. The lack of adequate shelter and privacy in overcrowded internally displaced people’s settlements increased women’s and children’s vulnerability to violations such as gender-based violence, including rape and physical assaults.’ [footnote 34]

9.4 Domestic violence

9.4.1 The UNHCR guidelines 2022 noted: … ‘Domestic violence is the most commonly reported type of GBV.’ [footnote 35]

9.4.2 The SDHS 2020 gathered data on levels and nature of violence – physical, emotional and sexual – obtained from interviews undertaken between February 2018 and January 2019 with 16,486 married and never-married women aged 15 to 49 across south and central Somalia [footnote 36] . The interviewees were asked about what they understood domestic violence to include as well as their experience of violence [footnote 37] . ‘

9.4.3 The SDHS 2020 provided on data on female interviees’ understanding of what constituted domestic abuse, noting that:

‘ … Over 60 percent of women considered physical abuse, denial of education, forced marriage, rape, sexual harassment, forced labour as forms of domestic violence.

‘Women from urban areas have a better understanding of acts that mean domestic violence compared to women from rural and nomadic areas. Less than half of nomadic women believe that no participation in household decision-making, no participation in decision-making for children, better treatment of males than females, failure to meet basic living costs and denial of education constitute acts of domestic violence (45 percent, 46 percent, 46 percent, 43 percent and 49 percent respectively).

‘ … never-married women have a better understanding of acts that constitute domestic violence compared to currently married women.

‘Educational attainment plays a role in the understanding of domestic violence. Women with higher education generally have a better understanding of acts that constitute domestic violence than women with no education, primary or secondary education.’ [footnote 38]

9.4.4 The table below taken from the SDHS 2020 shows the percentage of women aged 15 to 49 who understand domestic violence to mean specific acts according to their marital status [footnote 39] :

Percentage of women aged 15-49 who understand domestic violence to mean various specified acts, according to marital status:

9.4.5 The data in the table above indicates that a significant proportion – 25% and more - of the women interviewed did not consider physical abuse, rape, sexual harassment and forced labour as forms of domestic violence.

9.4.6 The figure below from the SDHS 2020 shows of ever-married women who had experienced violence by a spouse (12%), the percentage of injuries they had received. [footnote 40]

9.4.7 The SDHS 2020 noted: ‘With regard to women’s opinions on who the most common perpetrators of violent acts against women are, the survey found that over half (59 percent) of women believe that husbands commit the most violent acts against women in the community. Twelve percent of ever-married women reported they had been abused physically by a spouse, while 4 percent reported emotional abuse by a spouse.’ [footnote 41]

9.4.8 The Bertelsmann Stiftung Country Report on Somalia covering February 2021 to January 2023 stated: ‘Domestic violence is rampant across Somalia … In some regions, women have been beaten for leaving the house without a male relative or for failing to obey strict dress codes.’ The source, however, did not provide specific details of number, location or source of this information [footnote 42] .

9.5 Early/forced marriage

9.5.1 The SDHS 2020 noted: ‘Early marriage is common, particularly for women—35 percent of women aged 20-24 interviewed were married by the time they turned 18 and, overall, almost all Somali women are married by the age of 35. In comparison, 7 percent of men aged 20-24 had entered their first marriage by the time they turned 18. According to the survey, the median age at first marriage is 20 for Somali women aged 25-49 and 23 for men aged 25-64.’ [footnote 43] The SDHS 2020 went on to observe: ‘Somali parents encourage the marriage of their daughters while they are still young, in the hope that marriage will benefit the girls both financially and socially, while also relieving financial burdens on the family. This traditional practice prevents young girls from realizing their full potential in life, limiting their physical, psychological and economic development.’ [footnote 44]

9.5.2 The UNHCR in their ‘International Protection Considerations with Regard to People Fleeing Somalia’ published September 2022 noted:

‘The government of Somalia has not effectively addressed forced marriage of women and girls either in law or in practice. Reliance on customary law and Sharia law in Somalia may also undermine efforts to prevent forced marriage … women who are raped may be expected or forced to marry the perpetrator. As a result, women may not report other types of GBV out of fear of forced marriage. Some women in forced marriages are unable to leave for fear they will lose custody of their children. Disabled women are at higher risk of forced marriage, as well as GBV.’ [footnote 45]

9.5.3 The NL MOFA report 2023 covering the period from December 2021 to June 2023, citing a range of sources, noted:

‘Forced marriages were common both before and during the reporting period. This was a culture-related phenomenon found throughout Somalia, particularly in the more rural areas. Girls could be married off from puberty onwards. In rural areas this happened from the age of eleven or twelve, while in urban areas it was often several years later - but usually before the age of eighteen. According to data collected by UN Women, 17% of Somali women aged 20 to 24 were married before the age of fifteen. 36% of women were married before the age of eighteen.The NGO Girls not Brides gave the same percentages. However, UNHCR pointed out that there were no complete data available on the prevalence of forced marriage and that it was very likely to be underreported.This could also be related to the circumstance pointed out by the EUAA in a June 2022 report, that in the Somali context the distinction between “forced” and “arranged” marriages could be subtle.’ [footnote 46]

9.5.4 The NL MOFA report 2023 also noted: ‘It is clear from the sources that the ongoing drought and food shortages faced by the Somali population led to an increase in child marriages. Displaced families in particular were said to be increasingly inclined to marry off their daughters.’ [footnote 47]

9.6 Female Genital Mutilation (FGM)

9.6.1 The SDHS 2020 noted:

‘Overall, 99 percent of Somali women have undergone female circumcision. Pharaonic [type 3] is the most common type, which has been performed on 64 percent of the women. The findings show that 12 percent of women have undergone the Intermediate type, while 22 percent have undergone the Sunni type. Two percent did not know the type of female circumcision they had undergone earlier in their lives … Most women aged 15-49 in urban (58 percent), rural (66 percent) and nomadic (72 percent) areas have undergone the worst form of FGM/C —the Pharaonic type. On the other hand, the highest proportion of women practiced Sunni type are from the urban areas at 28 percent, followed by women from rural areas at 21 percent and the lowest were those from nomadic areas at 14 percent.’ [footnote 48]

9.6.2 The SDHS 2020 also stated:

‘Overall, 72 percent of women believe that FGM/C is a religious requirement. There is little variation in the women’s beliefs by age as 76 percent of the women within the age group 15-19 believe it is a religious requirement, compared to 73 percent of those in the age group 45-49 …The variation on beliefs around female circumcision by repondents’ place of residence is small. Sixty-seven percent of women in urban areas, 72 percent of women in rural areas and 78 percent of women from nomadic areas believe that female circumcision is a religious requirement.’ [footnote 49]

9.6.3 Figure below shows percentage distribution of women aged 15 to 49 by their religious beliefs regarding female circumcision, according to their ages and other background characteristics. [footnote 50]

9.6.4 The UNFPA report 2022 noted:

‘FGM is normalized violence in Somalia: it is socially accepted, considered to be for the good and protection of the female child and therefore performed on most girls … FGM is not understood as a violation of the human rights of women and girls and has remained pervasive and a strong social norm as it is seen as a requirement for girls to marry. Families seeking to escape poverty and build social acceptance and affinity, will chose to mutilate their female children. According to the the findings of the SHDS, there has been a shift from the extreme type 3 Pharaonic FGM to type 1 Sunna, which is a step in the right direction, however as most communities do not consider Sunna as FGM or harmful in any form (physical or psychological), it remains a normative practice. As of yet, Somalia does not have a law against FGM.’ [footnote 51]

9.6.5 The UNHCR guidelines 2022 noted ‘Since FGM is perceived as a religious requirement and as a practice that makes a girl more eligible for marriage, refusal or evasion of the practice can have serious social consequences for a child and for their families, including exclusion and marginalization.’ [footnote 52]

9.6.6 The UNHCR, ‘Somalia: Protection Analysis Update September 2022’, dated 30 September 2022, reported: ‘FGM in Somalia is a largely culturally-accepted social practice, with disagreement within the wider community of its basis within Islam. While there are segments of the population who disagree with the practice, inspiring a change extensive enough to counter long-held beliefs continues to require long-term strategies and coordinated efforts.’ [footnote 53]

10. Protection and assistance

10.1 state and informal justice response.

10.1.1 The DIS FGM report 2021:

‘Despite the intentions articulated in the provisional constitution, the capacity of the state apparatus in Somalia is very limited and this means that Somalis rely on their clan for protection.The UNFPA maternal and reproductive health specialist argued that the lack of a legal framework has weakened the Federal Government of Somalia’s (FGS) ability to change the perception of the public as there are no consequences for the people upholding the tradition [of FGM].’ [footnote 54]

10.1.2 The report of the UN Independent Expert on the situation of human rights in Somalia, 19 August 2022, considering the country generally, noted: ‘Securing access to justice through the current legal system remains a significant challenge and cases tend to be resolved through the clan system, where male clan elders apply customary law and practice and sharia law, and in most instances do not protect women’s rights.’ [footnote 55]

10.1.3 The UNHCR guidelines 2022 noted:

‘Somali Xeer, or customary law, is a collection of unwritten agreements, passed down orally from generation to generation … Xeer is one of the most common forms of dispute resolution in Somalia; by one estimate, “between 80- 90% of all legal cases in Somalia are settled through the informal justice system, of which Xeer is the most prominent.” However, Xeer can result in discriminatory outcomes for persons from minority groups and for women, especially in the context of gender-based violence (GBV).’ [footnote 56]

10.1.4 LAW report 2023 noted:

‘The capacity of formal justice institutions such as courts and police to enforce the law is … limited, while informal justice processes including customary law known as “Xeer,” is neither survivor-centred nor gender-sensitive and can be retraumatizing for women, particularly survivors of SGBV who are stigmatized rather than supported to access justice. Perpetuating the likelihood of impunity, many perpetrators are emboldened to commit such crimes against women, as victims have little recourse to a proper justice system.’ [footnote 57]

10.1.5 LAW report 2023 noted:

‘The legal frameworks applicable for preventing, protecting, and providing justice for victims and survivors of SGBV in Somalia derive from national, regional and international law. However, in practice, laws are poorly implemented, and regional and international obligations are largely overlooked … National laws are complex and piecemeal and do not adopt a survivor-centred approach. When attempted, justice often favours perpetrators, and the inadequacy of formal laws leaves victims with no choice but to seek justice through customary laws, such as the Xeer system, which involves clan-based compensation and marriage arrangements that perpetuate the normalisation of SGBV and harmful gender and social norms.’ [footnote 58]

10.1.6 NL MOFA report 2023 noted, ‘ … the position of women in Somalia was a cause for concern. According to various sources, women increasingly met with gender-based violence and there was a lack of effective legal protection and assistance options in this respect.’ [footnote 59]

10.1.7 The USSD human rights report covering 2023 observed:

‘The government did not effectively enforce the law [against rape] … While authorities sometimes arrested security force members accused of such [GBV] abuses, impunity was the norm.

‘ … Gender-based violence, including rape, affected women and girls when going to collect water, going to the market, and cultivating fields. Dominant patterns included the abduction of women and girls for forced marriage and rape, perpetrated primarily by nonstate armed groups, and incidents of rape and gang rape committed by state agents, militias associated with clans, and unidentified armed men. Police were reluctant to investigate and sometimes asked survivors to do the investigative work for their own cases. Some survivors of rape were forced to marry perpetrators.

‘ … in most instances [of GBV] families and survivors preferred to refer survivors to traditional courts. In some cases, these bodies awarded damages to survivors’ male family members or directed the perpetrator and survivor to marry, in accordance with local customary law. The United Nations reported sharia and customary law often resulted in further victimization of women and girls, with no justice for survivors and impunity for perpetrators. While the United Nations noted that the federal government approved a national action plan on ending sexual violence in conflict … impunity remained the norm.’ [footnote 60]

10.1.8 The USSD human rights report 2023 also noted: ‘Survivors faced considerable obstacles accessing necessary services, including health care, psychological support, and legal assistance; they also faced reputational damage and exclusion from their communities. In several cases survivors and providers of services for gender-based violence survivors were directly threatened by authorities when such abuses were reportedly perpetrated by men in uniform.’ [footnote 61]

10.2 Civil society assistance

10.2.1 UNPFA report 2022 noted:

‘GBV service provision across Somalia remains low as compared to the needs and geographical landscape response. Limited specialized services, such as rape treatment for rape survivors, case management, psychosocial support, and higher levels of mental health care for traumatized women and girls are major hindrances to expanding provision of timely, confidential and quality GBV services. A limited number of GBV specialized service providers continues to impact both quality and reach of services. GBV AoR in Somalia has 74 partners that report on the 5Ws matrix7 reporting, out of which only few are specialized service providers. In 2021, there was slight improvement in the prioritization of GBV prevention, response, and mitigation, however, the efforts remain inadequate in light of number of people in need of GBV services.’ [footnote 62]

10.2.2 The report of the UN Independent Expert on the situation of human rights in Somalia, 19 August 2022, considering the country generally, noted‘Local and international NGOs working to combat gender-based violence in Mogadishu, Puntland, Jubbaland and South-West State continue to implement program mmes to assist women to prosecute cases in statutory courts for violence against women, and others are assisting in formulating policies, disseminating information, conducting training and providing paralegal support to survivors.’ [footnote 63]

10.2.3 UNFPA in its ‘Humanitarian Response In Somalia - Situation Report’ issued May 2023 stated:

‘UNFPA is actively strengthening the capacity of its partners to deliver SRH services and responding to GBV, and meet the growing demands. Health facilities and mobile clinics play a vital role in providing support for maternal and newborn health, birth-spacing options, and the Clinical Management of Rape (CMR). Furthermore, safe spaces designed for women, girls, and young people, as well as one-stop centers, offer mental health and psychosocial support services for survivors of GBV… For the year 2023, the UNFPA Somalia Country Office (CO) has proactively mobilized additional resources to expand its response capacity in key humanitarian hubs throughout the country. UNFPA, alongside its implementing partners, is prioritizing access to life-saving GBV and SRH services for vulnerable women and girls in these high-priority locations.’ [footnote 64]

10.2.4 LAW in their report ‘Somalia’s Forgotten Women, Girls and Children: An Agenda for Action to End Sexual and Gender-Based Violence’ of March 2023 noted:

‘The ICM - a community mechanism designed to enable safe and secure channels for reporting human rights violations and breaches, including SGBV – has also provided a critically important avenue for people whose rights have been violated. The ICM paralegals provide legal information through legal awareness-raising sessions and receive complaints from within the camps. The ICM is critical for providing advice and mediation, as well as acting as a point of contact for service providers, the police, and the Civilian Oversight Board. SGBV survivors received assistance from community champions and survivor advocates in IDP camps who are determined to change the culture in the camps, including by inspiring changes from IDP camp leaders who have been increasingly motivated to be part of much needed changes.’ [footnote 65]

10.2.5 LAW also reported that

‘ … working with other agencies – [it had] … secured significant wins in selected IDP camps in South Central, Mogadishu and in Jubbaland, Kismayo, making critical advances for SGBV survivors who have been able to access support and assistance to tell their stories and seek justice through a stronger enabling environment.

‘LAW piloted the first Civilian Oversight Board (COB) in SouthCentral Somalia and the Independent Complaints Mechanism (ICM) in Mogadishu and Kismayo. The COB is a unique entity that is comprised of IDP camp leaders, former police officers, elders, lawyers and a representative of the Attorney General’s office that was successfully set up in 2017 and led to improved police practices related to respecting detainee’s legal rights and the experiences of SGBV victims and survivors who formally report the violations. For example, SGBV survivors are accompanied by a COB member when they file a police report, and the COB follows up to ensure investigations proceed. The first police outpost to serve an IDP camp with three female police officers to handle SGBV cases was also established in June 2019 in north of Mogadishu in the Daynille area, and the IDP Camp Manager, District Administration, and police station now formally collaborate to refer SGBV cases.’’ [footnote 66]

10.2.6 UNFPA in their report Somalia GBV Quarterly Advocacy Brief, January-March 2023, published 1 May 2023 noted: ‘GBV service provision across Somalia remains low as compared to the needs and geographical landscape of response. Despite the improved funding for GBV in 2023, there are still needs for sustained CMR provision, Psycho-social counseling and support; direct cash support to meet basic needs and need to integrate GBV prevention in service delivery for IDP and host communities.’ [footnote 67]

11. Freedom of movement

11.1 mogadishu.

11.1.1 There is no specific information on the freedom of movement of women in the sources consulted (see Bibliography ).

11.1.2 The Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada (IRBC) in their response to information request of 7 January 2022, citing other sources noted:

‘The UNHCR office in Mogadishu stated that the Federal Government’s forces control the “[m]ain checkpoints” inside Mogadishu (UN 1 June 2020). The Norwegian Country of Origin Information Centre, Landinfo, an independent body within the Norwegian Immigration Authorities, indicates that the police were operating checkpoints on most of Mogadishu’s main roads during Landinfo’s visit in September 2017, and the primary purpose of the checkpoints was to prevent attacks by al-Shabaab on government agencies (Norway 15 May 2018, 2, 11). An article on safety tips for humanitarians working in Somalia by Iman Elman, former Director of External Affairs at Somalia’s Ministry of Internal Security and Head of Programs and Security for CTG, a “private sector company enabling humanitarian and development projects in conflict settings” (CTG n.d.), states that security checkpoints in Mogadishu are commonly located every one to two kilometers, including at airport compounds (CTG 22 Jan. 2019). The same article indicates that identification documents ensure the ability to “freely travel” across Mogadishu (CTG 22 Jan. 2019). Corroborating information could not be found among the sources consulted by the Research Directorate within the time constraints of this Response.’ [footnote 68]

11.1.3 The European Union Agency for Asylum (EUAA) COI Report: Somalia - Security situation, published February 2023 noted:

‘In the peripheral districts of Mogadishu, there were illegal roadblocks manned by members of armed groups wearing military uniforms who extorted money from traffic users, businesses, and residential places. These roadblocks present a ‘recurrent security challenge’, according to a report by the Mogadishu-based think tank Somali Public Agenda. In what the source calls the semi-periphery zone, comprising the districts surrounding Maka Al-Mukarama Street, the authorities, in order to prevent attacks, only allowed ‘highways with several security checkpoints’ to remain open. The remaining roads, ‘often purposefully blocked with stones’, suffer from traffic congestion, and security forces ‘sometimes use live ammunition to open the jammed streets’, causing casualties.’ [footnote 69]

11.1.4 The USSD human rights report 2023, commenting generally on freedom of movement across Somalia, noted:

‘The law provided that all persons lawfully residing in the country had the right to freedom of movement, to choose their residence, and to leave the country. Freedom of movement, however, was restricted in some areas, particularly in Somaliand … Checkpoints operated by government forces, allied groups, armed militias, clan factions, and al-Shabaab inhibited movement and exposed citizens to looting, extortion, harassment, and violence. Roadblocks manned by armed actors and attacks on humanitarian personnel severely restricted movement and the delivery of aid in the southern and central regions.’’ [footnote 70]

11.2 Returnees

11.2.1 There was no specific information on the treatment of female returnees in the sources consulted (see Bibliography ).

11.2.2 The European Union Agency for Asylum (EUAA) in their ‘Country of Origin Information Report Somalia Key socio-economic indicators’, published on 1 September 2021, citing a range of sources, noted:

‘The majority of returnees from neighbouring countries as well as from the diaspora settle in cities, such as Mogadishu, Kismayo or Baidoa, with many opting “not to return to their areas of origin, preferring to settle in urban areas”. DIS explained in their report from July 2020 that there were no support structures in place regarding failed asylum seekers returning to Somalia from Europe without a network. Large numbers of returnees who lack financial means end up in IDP camps where the living conditions are no different than for those internally displaced, thus with ”limited access to basic services.”’ The urban system is “already overburdened due to a lack of funding to cover the needs of a rapidly growing urban population.”’ [footnote 71]

11.2.3 The above report also noted:

‘ … some sources outline that returnees educated and trained abroad may come back with a broader set of skills that allows them to access better jobs compared to those who have remained in Somalia. Meanwhile, Bakonyi emphasised that networks of families, neighbours, and friends are highly significant for returnees. The support they may be able to muster depends, among others, on whether a person has maintained social networks (including clan-based networks) and can upon return mobilise help from it. In a similar vein, clan-based networks play a crucial role, which is why most returnees (though not all) settle in areas where they can find members of their own clan.’ [footnote 72]

11.2.4 The NL MOFA report 2023, citing a range of sources, noted:

‘As in the previous reporting period, little concrete information is available on any problems that returning asylum-seekers and refugees may encounter in Somalia. In a general sense, the picture which emerges from the sources is that the degree to which returnees are at risk in Somalia is closely related to their individual circumstances and their social network. Returnees who could afford to live in secure districts of Mogadishu, and those who returned to an area where they had strong clan or other social ties, were generally less at risk.’ [footnote 73]

11.2.5 The NL MOFA report 2023 also noted:

‘According to a confidential source, returnees from Western countries were usually easily recognised after returning to Somalia. This applied particularly to returnees who had been out of Somalia from a young age. According to the source, they often had difficulty acquiring Somali everyday practices, which meant they could face discrimination and exclusion.This picture broadly corresponds to the picture that emerged from earlier public sources, namely that returnees from Western countries often brought with them practices that were unknown in Somalia, and could be seen as un-Islamic or un-Somali in Somali society. Returnees from the West were also said to be recognisable due to having a different accent, way of dressing, gait or posture. They could therefore have difficulty integrating into Somali society. Another confidential source confirmed that this was still potentially the case during the reporting period. A 2018 Finnish report noted that many returnees from abroad therefore preferred not to travel outside Somalia’s urban centres.’ [footnote 74]

Research methodology

The country of origin information (COI) in this note has been carefully selected in accordance with the general principles of COI research as set out in the Common EU [European Union] Guidelines for Processing Country of Origin Information (COI) , April 2008, and the Austrian Centre for Country of Origin and Asylum Research and Documentation’s (ACCORD), Researching Country Origin Information – Training Manual, 2013. Namely, taking into account the COI’s relevance, reliability, accuracy, balance, currency, transparency and traceability.

All the COI included in the note was published or made publicly available on or before the ‘cut-off’ date(s). Any event taking place or report/article published after these date(s) is not included.

Sources and the information they provide are carefully considered before inclusion. Factors relevant to the assessment of the reliability of sources and information include:

the motivation, purpose, knowledge and experience of the source

how the information was obtained, including specific methodologies used

the currency and detail of information

whether the COI is consistent with and/or corroborated by other sources

Wherever possible, multiple sourcing is used and the COI compared and contrasted to ensure that it is accurate and balanced, and i provides a comprehensive and up-to-date picture of the issues relevant to this note at the time of publication.

The inclusion of a source is not, however, an endorsement of it or any view(s) expressed.

Each piece of information is referenced in a footnote.

Full details of all sources cited and consulted in compiling the note are listed alphabetically in the bibliography .

Terms of Reference

A ‘Terms of Reference’ (ToR) is a broad outline of the issues relevant to the scope of this note and forms the basis for the country information .

The Home Office uses some standardised ToR, depending on the subject, and these are then adapted depending on the country concerned.

For this particular CPIN, the following topics were identified prior to drafting as relevant and on which research was undertaken:

Legal context (considering laws that protect and/or discriminate constitution, criminal, penal and civil codes) applicable to

general anti-discrimination provisions

specific to women and girls in political, economic, social, cultural, civil or any other field

Domestic and public violence against women (from state and non-state. Violence may take many forms including sexual, such as rape, honour crimes, and harassment (particularly in the workplace) child marriage, FGM. For each of these:

nature of violence and perpetrators

legal status

prevalence, including variations amongst particular groups

State attitude and assistance.

State protection.

Accessibility to protection and justice.

Assistance and support for victims of GBV.

Freedom of movement

legal freedoms/restrictions

safety of movement

vulnerabilities of different groups, such as single women, single mothers

Sources cited.

28 Too Many, ‘Somalia: The Law and FGM’ , July 2018, Last accessed: date: 29 December 2023

Amnesty International (AI)

‘Somalia: A ten human rights agenda for the new government’ , 15 November 2022. Last accessed: 29 December 2023

‘The State of the World-Somalia’ , 24 April 2024. Last accessed: 30 May 2024

Bertelsmann Stiftung, Transformation Index, ‘ Somalia Country Report 2024’ , 2024. Last accessed: 30 May 2024

Danish Immigration Service, ‘Somalia: Female Genital Mutilation (FGM)’ ,February 2021. Last accessed: 2 January 2024

European Union Agency for Asylum (EUAA), ‘Somalia Key socio-economic indicators-2021’ 1 September 2021. Last accessed:21 December 2023

Freedom House, ‘ Freedom in the World 2023 – Somalia’ , 9 March 2023. Last accessed: 30 May 2024

Human Rights Watch,

‘World report 2023, Somalia- Events of 2022’ , January 2023. Last accessed:02 January 2024

‘ World Report 2024’ (Somalia – Events of 2023), 11 January 2024. Last accessed: 30 May 2024

Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada (IRB), ‘Somalia: Update on entry and exit requirements at land borders and airports, including documentation required; whether there are checkpoints for domestic and international travel; whether there are travel agencies that facilitate travel within and outside Somalia (2018–January 2022) ’ ,7 January 2022. Last accessed: 02 January 2024

Legal Action Worldwide (LAW ), ‘Somalia’s Forgotten Women, Girls and Children: An Agenda for Action to End Sexual and Gender-Based Violence’ , 23 May 2023. Last accessed:03 January 2024

Netherland’s Ministry of Foreign affairs, ‘General country of origin information report on Somalia’ June 2023. Last accessed: 22 February 2024

Somalia Federal Government, ‘ The Somali Demographic and Health Survey 2020’ , April 2020. Last accessed: 30 May 2024

United Nations, ‘Report of the Secretary-General- Conflict-related sexual violence’ ,22 June 2023. Last accessed: 5 January 2024

UNData, ‘ Somalia ’, no date. Last date accessed: 30 May 2024

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), ‘International Protection Considerations with Regard to People Fleeing Somalia ’ , September 2022. Last accessed: 20 December 2024

United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC), ‘Situation of human rights in SomaliaReport of the Independent Expert on the situation of human rights in Somalia’ 19 August 2022. Last accessed: 20 December 2024

United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA),

‘Somalia Humanitarian Needs Overview 2023’ , 8 February 2023. Last accessed: 3 January 2024

‘Humanitarian Needs And Response Plan Somalia’ , January 2024. Last accessed: 7 March 2024

United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA)

‘Community Knowledge, Attitudes and and Practices on FGM’ , 14 April 2022. Last accessed: 03 January 2023

‘Humanitarian Response In Somalia -Situation Report’ May 2023. Last accessed: 03 January 2024

‘ Overview of Gender-Based Violence Situation in Somalia ’,14 April 2022. Last accessed: 03 January 2024

‘Somalia GBV Quarterly Advocacy Brief – January-March’ ,1 May 2023. Last accessed: 03 January 2024

‘Looking Beyond Numbers Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting (FGM/C) Study Report’ May 2021. Last accessed: 03 January 2024

US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), ‘The World Factbook-Somalia’ , 22 May2024. Last accessed: 30 May 2024

US State Department State (USSD), ‘ 2023 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Somalia ’, 23 April 2024 Last accessed: 30 May 2024

Sources consulted but not cited

Austrian Centre for Country of Origin and Asylum Research and Documentation (ACCORD), ‘Somalia - Overview of the country’ ,11 March 2024. Last accessed: 30 May 2024

European Union Agency for Asylum (EUAA), ‘COI Report: Somalia - Security situation’ , February 2023. Last accessed: 29 February 2024

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CIA, The World Factbook, ‘Somalia’ , (People and society), updated 22 May 2024  ↩

UNData, ‘ Somalia ’, no date  ↩

NL MOFA, ‘ General country of origin information report on Somalia’ (section 2.2.1), June 2023  ↩

FGS, SDHS 2020 (pages 228) April 2020  ↩

FGS, SDHS 2020 (pages 56-57) April 2020  ↩

NL MOFA, ‘ General country of origin information report on Somalia’ (section 4.1.5), June 2023  ↩

Bertelsmann Stiftung, ‘ Somalia Country Report 2024’ , 2024  ↩

UNHCR, ‘International Protection Considerations …’ (pages 93 to 94), September 2022  ↩

FH, ‘ Freedom in the World 2023 – Somalia’ , 9 March 2023  ↩

USSD, ‘ 2023 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Somalia ’ (section 6), 23 April 2024  ↩

HRW, ‘ World Report 2024’ (Somalia – Events of 2023), 11 January 2024  ↩

Danish Immigration Service, ‘Somalia: Female Genital Mutilation (FGM)’ , (section 6),February 2021  ↩

FGS, SDHS 2020 (page 195) April 2020  ↩

UNHCR, ‘International Protection Considerations with Regard…’ (section III-A-10),September 2022  ↩

UNFPA, ‘ Overview of Gender-Based Violence Situation in Somalia.. .’ (page 5),14 April 2022  ↩

UNFPA, ‘ Overview of Gender-Based Violence Situation in Somalia.. ’ , (page 7),14 April 2022  ↩

LAW, ‘Somalia’s Forgotten Women, Girls and Children: An Agenda for…’ (page-3) 23 May 2023  ↩

Human Rights Watch, ‘World report 2023, Somalia- Events of 2022’ ,January 2023  ↩

UNHCR, ‘International Protection Considerations with Rega…’ (section III-A-10-A),September 2022  ↩

UNHCR, ‘International Protection Considerations with Regard…’ (section II-F),September 2022  ↩

UNHCR, ‘International Protection Considerations …’ (pges 99 to 100), September 2022  ↩

UN, ‘Report of the Secretary-General - Conflict-related sexual viol…’ , (paragraph 53),22 June 2023  ↩

UNOCHA, ‘Somalia Humanitarian Needs Overview 2023’ , (section 3.6.2) 8 February 2023  ↩

USSD, ‘ 2023 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Somalia ’ (section 2F), 23 April 2024  ↩

AI, ‘ Somalia 2023’ (Internally displaced people’s rights), 24 April 2024  ↩

FGS, SDHS 2020 (pages 10 and 13), April 2020  ↩

FGS, SDHS 2020 (page 194), April 2020  ↩

FGS, SDHS 2020 (page 199), April 2020  ↩

FGS, SDHS 2020 (page 30), April 2020  ↩

FGS, SDHS 2020 (page XXVII), April 2020  ↩

FGS, SDHS 2020 (page 74), April 2020  ↩

UNHCR, ‘International Protection Considerations with Regard…’ (section 10-C),September 2022  ↩

NL MOFA, ‘ General country of origin information report on Somalia’ (section 4.1.5), June  ↩

FGS, SDHS 2020 (page 213), April 2020  ↩

FGS, SDHS 2020 (page 212-213), April 2020  ↩

FGS, SDHS 2020 (pages 212 to 213), April 2020  ↩

UNFPA, ‘ Overview of Gender-Based Violence Situation in Somalia.. ’ (page 13),14 April 2022  ↩

UNHCR, ‘Somalia: Protection Analysis Update … ’, (pages 6 to 7), 30 September 2022  ↩

UNHRC, ‘Report of the Independent Expert on the situation of..…’ (Paragraph 72) 19 August 2022  ↩

UNHCR, ‘International Protection Considerations with Regard to…’ (section II-1), September 2022  ↩

LAW, ‘Somalia’s Forgotten Women, Girls and Children: An Agenda for…’ (page 3) 23 May 2023  ↩

LAW, ‘Somalia’s Forgotten Women, Girls and Children: An Agenda for…’ (page-4) 23 May 2023  ↩

UNFPA, ‘ Overview of Gender-Based Violence Situation in Somalia.. ’ ,(page 6),14 April 2022  ↩

UNFPA, ‘Humanitarian Response In Somalia -Situation Report’ (page 3,4) May 2023  ↩

LAW, ‘Somalia’s Forgotten Women, Girls and Children: An Agenda for…’ (page 4) 23 May 2023  ↩

UNFPA, ‘UNFPA Somalia GBV Quarterly Advocacy Brief – January-March’ (page:4),1 May 2023  ↩

IRBC, ‘Somalia: Update on entry and exit requirements…’ (paragraph 3.1), 7 January 2022  ↩

EUAA ‘ COI Report: Somalia - Security situation,’ (section 2.3.4) February 2023,  ↩

USSD, ‘ 2023 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Somalia ’ (section 2D), 23 April 2024  ↩

EUAA ‘Somalia Key socio-economic indicators-2021’ (Paragraph 1.4.2.1), 1 September 2021  ↩

NL MOFA, ‘ General country of origin information report on Somalia’ (section 6.2), June 2023  ↩

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Accelerate gender equality. Violence against women and girls is preventable. Comprehensive strategies are needed to tackle root causes, transform harmful social norms, provide services for survivors and end impunity. Evidence shows that strong, autonomous women's rights movements are critical to thwarting and eliminating VAWG.

At the same time, there has been a rise in anti-rights movements and anti-feminist groups, driving an expansion of regressive laws and policies, a backlash against women's rights organizations and a spike in attacks against women human rights defenders and activists. ... As gender-based violence has spiked due to COVID-19, climate change and ...

Gender-based violence, she said, is violence in which being gendered as a "man" or a "woman" is significant to the presence and shape of the violence—who is hurt, by whom, how, and importantly why. While gender-based violence is diverse in its forms: what the assaults have in common is the fuel of gender relations.

The COVID-19 pandemic and lockdowns have led to a rise in gender-based violence. In this paper, we explore the economic consequences of violence against women in sub-Saharan Africa using large demographic and health survey data collected pre-pandemic. Relying on a two-stage least square method to address endogeneity, we find that an increase in the share of women subject to violence by 1 ...

The effects of violence on women vary widely. It depends on the nature of the particular incident, the woman's relationship with her abuser, and the context in which it took place. Gender-based violence typically has physical, psychological, and social effects. For the survivors, these are interconnected.

Gender-based violence (GBV) is a widespread problem, affecting people regardless of age, gender, race, and socioeconomic background, and in the majority of cases women and girls. Although GBV has become a top gender-equality priority across many OECD countries in recent years, significant challenges remain which require intervention at all levels of society.

4 key facts you should know about gender-based violence. Globally, 1 in 3 women have been beaten, coerced into sex, or abused in some other way — usually by someone they know. Around 641 million women worldwide have experienced at least one incidence of physical and sexual violence from a romantic partner. As many as 38% of murders of women ...

WHAT IS GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE?The term gender-based violence (GBV) is used to describe any harmful act perpetrated against a person based on socially ascribed/gender differe. ces between males and females. It includes acts of causing physical, sexual or mental harm or suffering, or threats of such acts, and.

Gender-based violence (GBV) is an umbrella term for harmful acts of abuse perpetrated against a person's will and rooted in a system of unequal power between women and men. This is true for both conflict-affected and non-conflict settings. The UN defines violence against women as, 'any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is ...

Gender-based violence, and in particular violence against women, is one of the most pronounced expressions of the unequal power relations between women and men.. The main cause of the violence is the perpetrator him or herself: it is very important to keep in mind that a person who has been affected by gender-based violence is never responsible for the perpetrator's actions.

Gender-based violence (GBV) is an important global public health challenge, which is deeply rooted in gender disparity and violation of human rights in all communities [].GBV affects fundamental human rights, thereby threatening the well-being of women and girls, worldwide [].While the concept of GBV does not imply that violence is always unidirectional, literature shows that women and girls ...

Gender-based violence (GBV) is a pervasive issue that affects individuals, communities, and societies. It refers to any harmful act, physical, sexual, or psychological, that is committed against someone based on their gender or gender identity. GBV is a violation of human rights and has serious repercussions. In this essay, we will examine the ...

For instance, 73% of women journalists have experienced online violence in the course of their work. Technology-Facilitated Gender-Based Violence can disproportionately impact women and girls on an intersectional basis, considering factors such as race and ethnicity, age, sexual orientation, religion, gender identity/expression, socioeconomic ...

Gender-based violence is an urgent problem that affects people of different ages, countries, and sexual orientations and requires addressing through the creation of an adequate preventive environment and strengthening measures to persecute aggressive citizens successfully. Get a custom essay on The Problem of Gender-Based Violence.

2. Reflections on gender-based violence in south africa. GBV is widespread in South Africa. As per a report published by the South African Police Service (SAPS) and acknowledged by the Institute for Security Studies, GBV is defined as a criminal act that can include the following offences: rape, sexual assault, incest, bestiality, statutory rape, and the sexual grooming of children (The ...

Women in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) are primary producers of subsistence food and significant contributors to the agricultural economy. Gender Based Violence (GBV) adversely impacts their capacity to contribute and sustain their families and undermines social, economic, and human capital. Addressing GBV, therefore, is critical to creating safe and inclusive environments for women ...

DOI: 10.1007/s43545-024-00926-5 Corpus ID: 271076000; Shadow of justice: review on women's struggle against gender-based violence in Ghana and South Africa @article{Bazaanah2024ShadowOJ, title={Shadow of justice: review on women's struggle against gender-based violence in Ghana and South Africa}, author={Prosper Bazaanah and Pride Ngcobo}, journal={SN Social Sciences}, year={2024}, url ...

This new page is an online hub for information and resources related to gender-based violence (GBV). The site provides an overview of GBV, as well as links to trainings for law enforcement and the public, and information on immigration options available to survivors of human trafficking, domestic violence and other crimes.

the rise in the violence as well as the solutions to the problem, survey method was used. About 150 experts who work in agencies that are connected with gender issue such as police and military ... gender-based violence against women and girls as "any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or ...

Gender-Based Violence Prevalence Statistics. According to the 2023 U.S. National Plan to End Gender-Based Violence: More than half of women (54.3%) and nearly one-third (31%) of men in the United States reported some form of sexual violence victimization involving physical contact (contact sexual violence) at some point in their lifetimes.

Gender-based violence (GBV) is a profound and widespread problem in South Africa, impacting on almost every aspect of life. GBV (which disproportionately affects women and girls) is systemic, and deeply entrenched in institutions, cultures and traditions in South Africa. This introduction will explore what GBV is and some of the forms it takes ...

The essay component of American college applications has a long history, but its purpose has changed over time. ... this information was mainly used to bar some applicants based on race, gender ...

Policy papers and consultations. ... women fearing gender-based violence, Somalia, July 2024 (accessible) ... especially conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) have been on the rise in Somalia in ...

SEOUL, July 11 (Reuters) - South Korean YouTuber Tzuyang was a victim of dating violence for years, she said on Thursday, stoking a bitter debate over a rise in gender-based violence in the country.